Skip to main content

Full text of "Hittite votive texts"

See other formats


HITTITE VOTIVE TEXTS 



by 
Johan de Roos 




NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN 

2007 



UITGAVEN VAN HET 
NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN TE LEIDEN 

voorheen Publications de l'lnstitut historique-archeologique neerlandais de Stamboul 

sous la direction de 
J.G. DERCKSEN, JJ. ROODENBERG, K. van der TOORN et K.R. VEENHOF 



CIX 



Research Archives-Director's libra 
The Oricnla! inslHut- 



HITTITE VOTIVE TEXTS 



Copyright 2007 by 

Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten 

Witte Singel 25 

Postbus9515 

2300 RA Leiden, Nederland 

NinoPublications@let.leidenuniv.nl 

www.nino-leiden.nl 



All rights reserved, including the rights to translate or 
to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form 



HITTITE VOTIVE TEXTS by Johan de Roos 

Uitgave: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten te Leiden 

(voorheen Uitgave van het Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istanbul. ISSN 0926-9568; 109) 



ISBN 978-90-6258-320-1 



Printed in Belgium 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Research Archives-Director's l.ibrarj 
The Oriental Institute 

The U^ivcrsily of Chicago 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS VII 

ABBREVIATIONS ix 

INTRODUCTION 1 

PART ONE: PRESENTATION OF THE HITTITE VOTIVE TEXTS 

1. The votive texts 3 

2. Gods and mortals 12 

3. The places where the vow or dream occur 22 

4. The gods invoked - the objective of their invocation 26 

5. The dating of the votive texts 30 

6. The concept maltessar in connexion with the dating of the votive texts 38 

7. Weights and measures of the promised objects 42 

8. Votive texts elsewhere in the ancient Near East 48 

9. Comments of persons mentioned in the texts 55 

PART TWO: CORPUS OF TEXTS 

l.CTH 583: Dreams of the king 71 

2. CTH 584: Dreams of the queen 88 

3. CTH 590: Fragments of votive texts 129 

INDEX 313 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



It was Prof. Dr. Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate who first suggested in the seventies to take Hittite votive 
texts as the subject for my PhD dissertation. The dissertation was finished and the Dutch version of 
the votive texts was published in 1984. A few months earlier Prof. Dr. H. Klengel very kindly sent 
me his hand-copies of texts he would later publish as KUB 56. These texts were originally not 
included in my Dutch PhD dissertation, but they have been included in the present publication. 

While preparing this English edition, more and more votive texts became available. In 1994 
Prof. Dr. H. Often sent me his hand-copies of 1 8 fragments of votive texts with permission to 
include them. I am very grateful to him for this permission. Two of these fragments have since 
been published in KBo volumes; the unpublished fragments (transliterations and translations in the 
present volume) are: 181/u, 183/u, 367/u, 410/u, 543/u, 1309/u, 1506/u, 366/v, 941/v, 1111/v, 
1 147/z, 1 159/z, 1333/u, "Touristik" and Bo 69/522. 

The Dutch manuscript was meticulously translated into English by Mrs. A.M. de Bruin-Cousins 
M.A. In the meantime I was appointed Director of the Netherlands Institute for the Near East, a 
time-consuming job which caused a longer than expected delay in the publication of this work. It is 
very sad that Dr. Jin Jie, who did the greater part of all the typing work, cannot see the final 
publication because of her untimely and deeply regretted death in 2005. From 2006 onwards my 
quickly diminishing eyesight prevented me from updating the original text and from making the 
final corrections to the manuscript before publication. 

In August 2007 Dr. Alice Mouton (CNRS Strasbourg) came to Leiden for her yearly visit to the 
NINO library. She took an overall view of the situation and immediately took action to speed along 
the publication. She updated and re-arranging the bibliographical data and did all the necessary 
page-setting. In all this she showed a hundred percent dedication to getting the manuscript 
organized and ready for publication within a matter of weeks. Alice, thank you very much. I can 
honestly say that without your endeavours the work would not have appeared now, for I could 
never have brought it to completion by myself. 

Thanks as well to Carolien van Zoest for her encouragement and assistance. I am grateful to the 
NINO and its director Dr. J.J. Roodenberg for offering me work facilities. 

During the last ten years I occasionally asked colleagues to collate texts from the original tablets 
or photographs. I would like to thank Prof. Dr. C. Karasu (Ankara), Prof. Dr. H. Klengel (Berlin) 
and Dr. S. Kosak (Mainz) for so kindly responding to my requests. 

To all mentioned above and to my wife Jenny I dedicate this book. 

J. de Roos, Leiden, September 2007 



ABBREVIATIONS 



AAA 
AfO 
AHw 
AM 

ANET 3 

AnSt 

AOAT 

AoF 

ArOr 

AU 

Bildbeschreibungen 

BiOr 

BSL 

CAD 

CHD 

Cor. Ling. 
CTH 

DLL 
Dreams 

EA 

EHS 
FHL 



Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 

Archivfur Orientforschung 

W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch, Band I-III, 1965-1981 

A. Gotze, Die Annalen des Mursilis, MVAeG 38, 1933 

Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, Third 

Edition with Supplement, ed. by J.B. Pritchard, 1969 
Anatolian Studies 
Alter Orient und Altes Testament 
Altorientalische Forschungen 
Archiv Orientdlni 

F. Sommer, Die Ahhijavd-Urkunden, 1932 
C.-G. von Brandenstein, Hethitische Gotter nach Bildbeschreibungen, 

MVAeG 46-2, 1943. 
Bibliotheca Orientalis 

Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 
A.L. Oppenheim et al. (ed.), The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental 

Institute of the University of Chicago, 1956- 
H.G. Guterbock and H.A. Hoffner (ed.), The Hittite Dictionary of the 

Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1989- 
Corolla Linguistica, Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer, 1955 
E. Laroche, Catalogue des textes hittites, 1971. 1 st suppl. in RHA 30, 

1972, 94-133; 2 nd suppl. in RHA 33, 1975, 68-71 
E. Laroche, Dictionnaire de la langue louvite, 1959 
A.L. Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near 

East, 1956 
J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, 1915 
H. Kronasser, Etymologie der hethitischen Sprache I-II, 1963-1966 
E. Laroche/J.-M. Durand, "Fragments hittites du Louvre", in: Memorial 

Atatiirk: Etudes d'archeologie et de philologie anatoliennes, 1982, 

73-107 



Fs Bohl 

Fs J. Friedrich 

Fs H.G. Guterbock 

Fs E. Laroche 

Gloss. 

GS 

HAB 

Hatt. 

HE 
HED 
HEG 
HT 

HTR 
HuH 
HW 

HW 2 

HZL 



IBoT 

IF 

ITn 



Abbreviations 

Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de 

Liagre Bohl dedicatae, 1973 
Festschrift fiir Johannes Friedrich zum 65. Geburtstag am 27. August 

1958 gewidmet, 1959 
Anatolian Studies presented to Hans Gustav Guterbock on the occasion 

of his 65 th Birthday, 1974 
Florilegium Anatolicum. Melanges offerts a Emmanuel Laroche, 1979 
E.H. Sturtevant, Hittite Glossary 2 , 1936 (Suppl. 1939) 
H. Klengel, Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v. u. Z., I-III, 1965- 

1970 
F. Sommer and A. Falkenstein, Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des 

Hattusilil (Labarna II), 1938 
A. Gotze, Hattusilis. Der Bericht iiber seine Thronbesteigung nebst den 

Paralleltexten, 1925 
J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Elementarbuch I, I960 2 ; II, 1967 2 
J. Puhvel, Hittite Etymological Dictionary, 1984- 
J. Tischler, Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar, 1977- 
L.W. King, Hittite Texts in the Cuneiform Character from the Tablets in 

the British Museum, 1920 
H. Otten, Hethitische Totenrituale, 1958 
F. Sommer, Hethiter und Hethitisch, 1947 
J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Worterbuch. Kurzgefasste kritische Sammlung 

der Deutungen hethitischer Worter, 1952 and 1.-3. Erganzungshefte, 

1957-66 
J. Friedrich and A. Kammenhuber, Hethitisches Worterbuch, zweite, 

vollig neubearbeitete Auflage aufder Grundlage der edierten 

hethitischen Texte, 1975- 
E. Neu et C. Riister, Hethitisches Zeichenlexikon. Inventar und 

Interpretation der Keilschriftzeichen aus den Bogazkoy-Texten 

(StBoT Beiheft 2), 1989 
Istanbul Arkeoloji Miizelerinde bulunana Bogazkoy Tabletleri 
Istanbuler Forschungen 
E. Weidner, Die Inschriften Tukulti-Ninurtas I, II, AfO Beiheft 12, 

1959 



Abbreviations 



JAOS 

JCS 

JEOL 

JKF 

JNES 

Kl.F. 

KBo 

Konkordanz 

KUB 
KZ 

LPG 

MDOG 
MO 
MVAeG 
N.Br. 

NH 
OLZ 
Or. 

Or. Ant. 
Or. Lov. 
PBS 

Priere hittite 



RA 



Journal of the American Oriental Society 

Journal of Cuneiform Studies 

Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap Ex Oriente 

Lux 
Jahrbuchfur Kleinasiatische Forschung 
Journal of Near Eastern Studies 
Kleinasiatische Forschungen 
Keilschrifttexte aus Bogazkoy 
S. Kosak, Konkordanz der hethitischen Texte, website: 

http://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/hetkonk/ 
Keilschrifturkunden aus Bogazkoy 
Kuhns Zeitschrift fur Vergleichende Sprachforschung (= Zeitschrift fur 

Vergleichende Sprachforschung) 
Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups ofLycia and 

Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period, 1961 (1965) 
Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin 
Mitteilungen des Ins tituts fiir Orientforschung 
Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen Gesellschaft 
A. Gotze, Neue Bruchstiicke zum grossen Text des Hattusilis und den 

Paralleltexten, MVAeG 34, 1930 
E. Laroche, Les noms des hittites, 1966. 
Orientalistische Liter aturzeitung 
Orientalia 
Oriens Antiquus 

Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 
University of Pennsylvania, the Museum, Publications of the 

Babylonian Section 
E. Laroche, "La priere hittite: vocabulaire et typologie", Ecole pratique 

des Hautes Etudes, 5 e Section, Sciences Religieuses, Annuaire 72, 

1964-65, 3-29. 
Revue d'Assyriologie et dArcheologie orientale 



RGTC6 



RHA 
RHR 
R1A 
SAK 
SBo 

SCO 
SL 

SMEA 
Staatsv. 

StBoT 
TCL 

TdH 

UET 

UF 

Ugar. 

VAS 

VBoT 

WdO 

WVDOG 

WZKM 
ZA 

2BoTU 



Abbreviations 

G.F. del Monte and J. Tischler, Die Orts- und Gewdssernamen der 

hethitischen Texte, Repertoire Geographique des Textes Cuneiformes 

6 (Beihefte zum Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients Reihe B Nr. 

7/6), 1978 
Revue hittite et asianique 
Revue de I 'histoire des religions 
Reallexikon der Assyriologie 
Studien zur altdgyptischen Kultur 
H.G. Giiterbock, Siegel cms Bogazkoy I-II, AfO Beihefte 5, 7, 1940, 

1942 
Studi Classici e Orientali 
PA. Deimel, Sumerisches Lexikon, 1925-1950 
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 
J. Friedrich, Staatsvertrdge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache I- 

II, MVAeG 31/1 and 34/1, 1926 and 1930 
Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten 
Musee du Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales, Textes 

cuneiformes 
Texte der Hethiter 
Ur Excavations, Texts 
Ugarit-Forschungen 
Ugaritica 

Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin 
A. Gotze, Verstreute Boghazkoi-Texte, 1930 
Die Welt des Orients 
Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient- 

Gesellschaft 
Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes 
Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete/Vorderasiatische 

Archdologie NF 
E. Forrer, Geschichtliche Texte aus dem alten und neuen Chatti-Reich, 

1926 



INTRODUCTION 

The Hittite votive texts belong to the genre of religious texts and are closely related to the prayers, the 
dreams and oracles. The category of texts classified by E. Laroche in the Catalogue des textes hittites 
(CTH) as "administration religieuse", which includes the cult inventories and the so-called 
Bildbeschreibungen, is also related to the votive texts as far as contents are concerned. In the CTH the 
combining of votive texts and dream texts to form a separate chapter with, as regards the fragments, 
one and the same CTH number (CTH 590) undoubtedly places a proper emphasis on the relation 
between the said texts. Nevertheless a different classification is conceivable in the future. 

The essence of the votive texts is the vow, whether or not made in or because of a dream, but not 
the dream as such 1 . The dream texts, without vow, could be placed in other categories determined by 
the reason why a description is given of the dream of the king, queen, palace official or some other 
person. The classification in the diverse categories should always take account of the fact that vows 
were also made in prayers, that often, for example, an oracle pronouncement was requested on the 
grounds of dreams and that some vows imply that a prayer will be addressed to the deity. 

In 1926, J. Schiele published in transcription the first votive texts 2 , but apart from KUB 15.11, 17+, 23 
and 28+ and a few separate passages, no transcription plus translation of these texts has been 
published 3 . The first synoptic monograph on the religion of the Hittites, written by G. Furlani, likewise 
devotes only a few lines to vows: "In lingua hittita si hanno dei testi votivi caratterizzati dalla formola 



For the Hittites, the dream was one of the few possibilities of learning directly, from the god to man, from 
master to servant, the will of the gods. Only very few, as beings possessed by the god in exceptional 
circumstances, became one with the deity and were thus able directly to know and pass on their will. The only 
other means of contact were omens, which can be interpreted as pronouncements or warnings by the gods, while 
oracles were the medium by which the will of the gods could be 'requested'; perhaps a symptom of the great need 
for contact that too seldom occurred spontaneously? Another pointer in this direction was the artificial evocation 
of a dream by incubation in a temple. 

2 KUB 15.1 to 30. In his review of KUB 14 to 17, F. Sommer remarked in OLZ 30, 1927, 481-483 (p. 483): "Heft 
15 Nr. 1-30 Geliibde Inschriften (Formel IK.RU.UB = vovit), deren Typus wie Ehelolf bemerkt hat, auch H.T. 33 
und Liverpool Annals 3 (1910) PI. 26 Nr. 2 vertreten ist." In 1929 in a detailed review of KUB 14-17, F. Sommer 
spoke of the vows as: "... ein in den bisherigen Publikationen nur sparlich bezeugtes Gebiet": Kl. F. 1, 335-349 
(p. 339). 

3 Nos. 1 1 and 23 in P. Cornil/R. Lebrun, "Deux textes votifs de la reine Puduhepa", Or. Lov. 3, 1972, 49-65. No. 
17+ in H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Geliibde der Konigin Puduhepa an die Gottin Lelwani, StBoT 1, 1965 and no. 
28+ in R. Lebrun, Samuha. Foyer religieux de V empire hittite, 1976, 191 ff. 



2 Introduction 

IK.RU.UB, che e un ideogramma accado e ha il senso di "dedico". Di questi testi se ne conoscono 
parecchi" 4 . 

In the survey of the cultural history of Asia Minor published shortly prior to the latter by A. Goetze, 
all votive texts are listed under the dreams, but in a second edition a distinction is rightly drawn 
between the votive texts and the vows occurring in prayers 5 . In 1949, E. Laroche published the first 
transcription plus translation of the only votive text of which various duplicates are known, 
KUB 15.17+ 6 , after an essential join with KUB 31.61 had been discovered by A. Goetze 7 . This long 
text differs from the other votive texts in other respects as well 8 and since an increasing number of text 
fragments proved to belong to it, the complication of a new text edition was already expedient in 1965 9 . 

In the course of time the vows of KUB 15 have been followed by the publication of many new text 
fragments from both the earliest and most recently found tablets 10 . 

For the sake of convenience, the CTH sequence" has been followed in this text edition and to it are 
appended those texts which have appeared in transcription after the publication of the last supplement 
and which could perhaps appropriately be classified with numbers CTH 583-590, namely certain texts 
from KUB 48. 

The present publication is an extended and translated version of my 1984 dissertation, which was 
written in Dutch. The votive texts that have since been published elsewhere are for the greater part 
included in this new edition. Though the present text has been updated, traces of the 1984 manuscript 
are of course still visible, e.g. some "old style" Sumerogram writings and old discussions. Nevertheless, 
the transliterations and translations have not suffered much from the twenty -year silence. The material 
has now been made available because I believe it will be of use to our colleagues hittitologists. 



G. Furlani, La religione degli Hittiti, 1936, 323 f. 

5 A. Goetze, Kleinasien, 1957 2 , 148 +1 and 150. 

6 E. Laroche, "Le voeu de Puduhepa", RA 43, 1949, 55-78. 

7 A. Goetze, Kizzuwatna and the Problem ofHittite Geography, 1940, 71 277 and his review of KUB 31, JAOS 61, 
1941,303. 

8 See PART ONE Chapter 1 . 

9 H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Gelubde..., StBoT 1. 

10 Cf. CTH 583-590 + suppl. 

11 Except for KUB 15.17+. 



PART ONE: 
PRESENTATION OF THE HITTITE VOTIVE TEXTS 



1 . The votive texts 



The distinguishing feature of all vows is the promise to a deity of certain performances or of objects, 
persons or animals if, in exchange, the deity fulfills the wish expressed by the person making the vow. 
For example: "if you do..., then to you, O god, I will give..." Any uncertainty about what was promised 
being adequate to propitiate the deity could be avoided by making an oracular inquiry, which then 
determined what best to promise 1 . 

The Hittites, believed by many to have been rationalistically and materialistically minded and 
precise in their administration 2 were not always confident that the god would, indeed, grant what was 
asked. They did not gladly risk giving in vain what was often a precious gift, as appears from a passage 
from the oracle text KUB 5.6 i 31-33 (CTH 570) 3 : (31) "The propitiatory offering which the king must 
make for the god was determined: it was determined as 1 fat ox and 6 sheep. (32) He has already made 
the promise, but (only) when the king is healed, (33) shall he give them 4 ." 

The people manifest a similar uncertainty regarding the acts of the gods in the oracle text KUB 
6.3:6 ff. (CTH 572), where the promise that the king will live for years made by the gods in an oracle 



An illustrative passage is KUB 15.28+ iii 8': [...]-mu ku-it se-ir ma-al-tu-u-an-zi SI x SA-at "for the sake of 
what was designated for me to promise..." 

2 Priere hittite, 17: "Le hittite exprime les rapports de rhomme a son dieu non en termes de grace ou de 
sentiments, mais en termes de droit et de jugement". Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, "Hittite Royal Prayers", Numen 
16, 1969, 81-98 (p. 92): "The thoughts which are expressed in the hymns and in the prayers proper are typical for 
the strongly rationalistic and somewhat formalistic approach to Hittite thinking in general." A. Kammenhuber, 
Orakelpraxis, Trdume und Vorzeichenschau bei den Hethitern, TdH 7, 1976, 25: "Mit diesen ... Gelubden soil 
durch an die Gotter auf ziemlich billige Weise deren Giite erkauft (und einiges Unrecht zugedeckt) werden." 

3 (31) A-NA DINGIR-LIMma-al-du-wa-ar §A D UTU-Sl SI x SA-at nu 1 GUD SE 6 UDU-ya SI x SA-at (32) nu- 
za-kdn ka-ru-ii ma-al-ta-as ma-ah-ha-an-ma D UTU-^7 SIGs-r; (33) na-at pi-i-ya-an-zi. Cf. E. Laroche, "Le 
vceu. . .", RA 43, 66 and Priere hittite, 12 f. 

4 For that matter, whether the determination of the content of a vow by means of an oracular inquiry can also be 
inferred from the description of the festival in KUB 27.1+ i 10 f., 26 f. etc. (CTH 712) depends on when 
maltessar is considered to have acquired the connotation 'vow'. For example: (10) nu-za a-pi-e-da-as gi-im-ra-as 
se-ir SISKUR am-ba-as-si-in ke-el-di-an-na (11) ma-al-te-es-sar-ra a-ri-ya-an-zi nu-us-si ku-it SI x SA-r; etc. 
(10) "and for those campaigns the ambassi and the keldi offerings (11) and malteSsar are made the subjects of an 
oracular inquiry, and what is determined for him", etc. 



4 Part One 

evidently does not inspire real confidence: (6) "O god, in which omen (?) you see life, (7) shall he (= 
the king) (during) the years that are already promised him by the oracle, (8) further remain alive 
(during) those years? The fate oracle must be favourable 5 ." 

But the gods also take risks: will one actually give what is promised once the wish has been fulfilled? 
Apart from the gods themselves, who naturally see to it that the "reward" owing them is in fact given, 
the priests of the temple of the god invoked are also directly interested in the actual fulfillment of the 
vow made. Any shortcoming with respect to the gods is immediately punished by them by calling 
down disaster on those involved 6 . It is possible to deduce from the oracular inquiries made in order to 
ascertain the cause of the gods' wrath that, in addition to the understandable indignation of the gods 
because of neglect, for example of their dwelling (the temple) or themselves (the statues of the gods), 
or of their immediate care (the offerings of food, the festivals and the clothing of the statues of the 
gods), their wrath could also be incurred by a failure to fulfill, or to fulfill completely a vow made in 
any of these matters. 

In the oracle text KUB 22.70 (CTH 566) 7 , for instance, an oracular inquiry was made on the 
occasion of the king's illness. From the answer it appears that the reason for the wrath of the god of 
Arusna was that the queen had hidden one or two golden wreaths in an official's house and had given 
two inferior ones to the god. The wreaths had been promised in a vow made by the queen and when 
they had not been received, the god "claimed" them from the queen in a dream. The close relationship 
between vow and oracle is also clearly attested by KBo 16.98 (CTH 577) 8 in which a vow is described 
in an oracle text. 



5 (6) DINGIR-XL/M Tl-tor ku-e-da-ni i-li-es-ni us-ki-si (7) ka-ru-u-us-si ku-e-es MU.HI.A a-ri-ya-se-es-na-za 
me-ma-an-te-es (8) a-pi-e-da-sa-as MU.W.A-as pa-ra-a Tl-an-za nu KIN SIG 5 -r«. Cf. A. Archi, "II sistema KIN 
della divinazione ittita", Or. Ant. 13, 1974, 113-144 (p. 113). 

6 Cf. H. Often, "Die Religionen des alten Kleinasien", in: Religionsgeschichte des Alten Orients I, 1964, 92-121 
(p. 115). It is difficult to determine whether the vows which were repeatedly forgotten were especially those 
made in dreams (H. Often, "Das Hethiterreich", in: H. Schmokel, Kulturgeschichte des alten Orient, 1961, 313- 
446 (p. 436)), even if we assume that only those vows have been preserved which were not fulfilled. 

7 Text edition with commentary by A. Unal, Em Orakeltext fiber die Intrigen am hethitischen Hof, TdH 6, 1978. 
See also the remarks made about this interesting text by A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 150 ff. 

8 A very provisional translitteration and translation by P. Cornil/R. Lebrun, "La tablette KBo XVI 98", Hethitica 
1, 1972, 1-14. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 5 

Apart from whether or not the vow was fulfilled, the failure to pronounce it was evidently enough 
to arouse the wrath of the gods, as can be inferred from the introduction to an aldanni oracle 9 in KUB 
22.38 i 1 ff. (CTH 575/°: "... regarding the fact that the great god is angry: [be]cause I (2) have 
pronounced [m]any vows, (3) that can be left out of consideration (as cause of the anger), but if by 
another nothing is left undone for you, O god (5) the eel(?) oracle must be favourable". 



To return to the characteristics of the votive texts dealt with here, the following basic scheme can be 
discerned. In the most complete vows successive mention is made of the following: the name of the 
god to whom the vow pertains - the circumstances in which the vow is made, the person who makes it 
and the god to whom it is made - the condition(s) imposed on the god by the person - the reward 
which the god will receive after the vow is fulfilled - the conclusion of the vow. 

Naturally the vows differ widely and elements of the scheme may be lacking. In principle the 
constants are simply the person who makes the vow, the condition and the reward. It is therefore all the 
more remarkable that in one single votive text the condition, in the form of a sentence beginning with 
ma-a-an = "if, is lacking: KUB 15.1 ii 5-10 and 37-41 11 . The translation runs: "Sarruma of Urikina. 
When in a dream some young men intended to seize the queen at the back of the bathhouse in Iyamma, 
the queen promised in her dream 1 bathhouse of gold to Sarruma of Urikina". Since there is no 
conditional clause, it is not clear why the queen made the vow. Did she want the god's protection 
against a band of assaulters, or was she thanking the god for the pleasant company of a group of young 
Hittites behind (or in) the bathhouse? If the former is the case, then the condition could certainly have 
been laid down in the text. No, it is undoubtedly one of the rare sexually-tinted dreams which, as 
Oppenheim says 12 , has not been banned to the anomymity of the category of evil dreams, but, having 
escaped censure, is very open to a psycho-analytical explanation. The reason why the text, and hence 
the queen's dream, has been preserved could well lie in the valuable object promised. Indeed, in the 
extant texts the objects of the vow are most likely the central theme and therefore the vows are cited in 
direct speech. Their literal reproduction would make it more difficult for the persons who made these 



For this very complicated type of oracle with an eel (?) in a water basin, see E. Laroche, "Lecanomancie hittite", 
RA 52, 1958, 150-162. 

10 (1) [...] ku-it DINGIR GAL TUKU.TUKU -u-an-za A-NA DINGIR-ZIM [ku]-it (2) [m\e-iq-qa-us IK-RI- 
5/.HI.A me-ma-an har-mi (3) na-at GAM-an ar-ha GAR-rw ma-a-an-ma-kdn tu-uk (4) A-NA DINGIR-LZM ta- 
me-e-da-az U-UL ku-it-ki da-li-ya-an (5) nu TUL al-dan-ni-es SIG 5 -ru, etc. 

1 ' Almost literally the same text appears twice, the only difference being the god to whom the gift is promised 
and the place where it took place. 
12 Dreams, 227. 



6 Part One 

vows to renege. This sort of reasoning presumes that the king, queen or other persons are often 
negligent in fulfilling their vows, whether or not made in a dream. Are there, however, sufficient 
indications of such negligence? 

Up to now it has always been assumed that the texts were written by temple officials who, after 
checking their inventory, discovered that certain promised objects had not been received by the temple 
from the palace 13 . It is not implausible, however, that the palace itself checked which vows had been 
fulfilled and which not. The palace where the tablets were found could perhaps provide important 
information on this point. Unfortunately it is not known whether the large majority of the tablets 
published in the KUB series, many of them among the earliest finds by H. Winckler from 1906 
onwards, came from the Biiyiikkale palace citadel or from the large temple complex. 

There is some degree of certainty about where only a few dream or votive texts were found 14 : 
KBo 8.62 (a tablet with dreams): Biiyiikkale building D. 
KBo 8.63 (not a standard votive text?): Biiyiikkale. 

KBo 9.96 (votive text of Hattusili III (?)): Biiyiikkale, gatehouse. This text could possibly form a 
whole with KBo 8.63. 

KBo 13.72 (exceptional votive text): in the rubble of earlier excavations near Haus am Hang. 
KBo 13.80 (fragment of a vow): in the rubble of earlier excavations near Haus am Hang. 
KUB 15.17+ (great vow of Puduhepa): large temple complex. 

The last-mentioned text occupies a special place within the whole collection of votive texts. It is 
the only text which contains only one single vow and hence is certainly not a composite tablet. 
Moreover various duplicates of this text has been determined, which is not the case with any other 
votive text. In many other respects, too, the text is anomalous, one being the exordium with the name 



13 F. Sommer, review of KUB 14-17, Kl. F. I, 1929, 335-349 (p. 340): "Mit diesem System ergibt sich wohl, dass 
die Aufzeichnungen nicht auf Befehl der Allerhochsten Herrschaften als Dokumente ihrer Frommigkeit 
angefertigt sind, sondern von der Priesterschaft, die stark daran interessiert war, dass nichts in Vergessenheit 
geriet". Dreams, 193: "Among these texts ... written ... most likely by the officials of the temple which was to 
receive these donations ..." and 227: " 'Memorandum' of the temple". H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Geliibde..., 
StBoT 1, 1: "Alle diese Tafeln stellen spatere Zusammenfassungen dar, indem immer mehrere Geliibde 
nacheinander aufgezahlt werden, und wohl die noch ausstehende Erftillung der angegebenen Versprechungen in 
Erinnerung gebracht werden soil. Das ist besonders verstandlich in den zahlreichen Fallen, wo ein im Traum 
abgelegtes Geltlbde dann in Vergessenheit geraten ist." A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 26 does not 
state clearly whether it was the palace or the temple that listed the vows made in dreams: "Niedergeschrieben 
wurden diese Traumsammlungen sicherlich als Gedachtnisstutze fur die Unmenge von Versprechen, die dies 
Herrscherpaar gemacht hatte". 

14 See the introduction to the KBo editions. For KUB 15.17+ see H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Geliibde..., StBoT 1, 4. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 7 

of the queen who announces in the first person that she has made a vow. It is unfortunately not known 
whether Puduhepa's promise to provide regularly over the years many people for the diverse temple 
services, dozens of them mentioned by name in the text, was the reason for the duplicates which were 
used by various "departments" of the temple to keep the accounts of the personnel. 

Of the other texts mentioned here, only KBo 9.96 merits further study in this respect because in it 
the comment nawi = "not yet" twice occurs at the end of a section. The counterpart of this is karu = 
"already" 15 . In nine of the texts treated in this work either karu or nawi occurs 16 , in two both occur 17 . 
In KBo 9.96 the promise to invoke Ktar and honour her with festivals ends with: "not yet (done)". A 
few lines below it is said that a (probably golden) object "has not yet been made (?)". This text was 
found in the palace citadel and does not seem to be an extract from more detailed vows recorded 
earlier 18 . Could not these, and other comparable texts, be memory-aids drawn up by the religious 
officials of the palace for the use of the royal family? Another argument in favour of the monitoring 
from the palace itself of vows yet to be fulfilled is the occurrence in KUB 15.11 iii 7' of the personal 
name m Kata[paili] as last word of a paragraph, after "already (given)" 19 . Obviously this was the name 
of the official who was charged with confirming the fulfillment of vows and, since Katapaili was more 
likely to have been employed in the palace than in the temple 20 , monitoring was very likely done from 
the palace itself, particularly since Katapaili is called the man who knew about the matter of giving in 
KBo 2.2 iv 23 ff. and 27 ff. (CTH 577). 



The main argument against a reminder about objects issuing from temple functionaries is the fact that 
vows made to different gods of different cities are mentioned on one and the same tablet 21 . Probably 
the offerings were tendered in the different cities to the temples of the different gods, so that a centrally 
issued reprimand is infeasible. 



15 Possible restorations, depending on the content of the vow, are "done", "made" or "given". Cf. E. Neu, Studien 
zum endungslosen 'Lokativ' des Hethitischen, 1980, 6f. 

16 KUB 15.4:5, 1 1, 15, 19, 20, 23 and 29. KBo 9.96. 

17 KUB 3 1 .69 and KUB 48. 1 1 9. 

18 The fact that the vow could seem to be recorded in its entirety against the consideration that this text was noted 
down in abridged form by temple officials and sent as reminder to the palace where it would then logically be 
found. 

19 The same name, but with the second part, -paili, recorded on the tablet, occurs in the same way in line 5 1 of the 
preceding paragraph. As such, the name Katapaili has so far not been discerned in this text. P. Cornil/R. Lebrun, 
"Deux textes votifs...", Or. Lov. 3, 50 give the erroneous reading [si]-pa-an-si. 

20 Cf. KBo 18.146:1 and 20 and KBo 2.24:23 ff. 

21 For example, KUB 15.1 contains vows made to Hepat of Uda, Sarruma of Uda, Sarruma of Urikina, etc. This 
does not imply that the temple(s) of Hepat of Uda was (were) sited in Uda only. 



8 Part One 

Of the two texts in which "already" and "not yet" are mentioned, KUB 31.69 Rev. 6'-9' is 
particularly interesting, because in it almost certainly three objects are promised, one said to be already 
given, two not as yet. Unless we assume that all the vows were recorded because of the negligence 22 of 
the king, queen and others in fulfilling promises, the comments in the literature on that negligence 
insofar as dreams and votive texts are concerned can only be based on KUB 15. 5+, a text that does not 
fit into the ordinary category of votive texts. The term wekuwar = "demand", "request" 23 is written as a 
sort of colophon under this long, composite text. The whole text contains dreams of a king or of palace 
officials in which various persons or gods announce that certain objects must be given or in which a 
deity requests a certain object, but nothing indicates that, in general, there is any question of negligence. 

In diverse other texts as well there occurs this same manner of a request being made of a king or 
queen by a deity in a dream and there, too, the same verb IR (= wek-) is used. What markedly 
distinguishes KUB 15.5+ from the other texts is that in it a sort of dream-interpretess or priestess 24 
called Hepapiya is mentioned at the end of each section. In all cases her advice is to give "the great 
god" what is requested. Sometimes this means taking the object away from another god . 
Administrative monitoring can also be inferred from the occasional addition of karu or nawi in this text, 
and likewise from punussanzi (= they shall instigate an inquiry) in column iv line 39. The dating of this 
text is discussed in the relevant section. An unsolved and intriguing problem is the identity of "the 
great god", since this appelation occurs in no other dream or votive text apart from this one. 
Furthermore it occurs only relatively seldom in the texts 26 . 

In this text the only allusion to negligence or shortcoming is to be found in the dream of the king in 
column iii lines 4 ff., where a certain Danuhepa criticises the quality of a golden rhyton given by the 



22 "Teils werden solche Gelilbde auch im Traum abgegeben, haufig dann natiirlich vergessen, so dass gar 
Unterlassungen dieser Art listenmassig zusammengefasst werden." (H. Often in: H. Schmokel, 
Kulturgeschichte..., 436). "Im Traume erscheinen die Gorier den Menschen, nehmen seine Gelubde entgegen, 
dessen spateres Versaumnis sie dann rachen." (H. Often in: Religionsgeschichte..., 115). "Solche Vota werden, 
werm sie noch nicht oder nur in ungenugender oder zu billiger Weise erfttllt sind, in den Traumen angemahnt." 
(A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 25 f.). 

23 Wekuwar is dealt with in Priere hittite, 6 ff. 

24 Nowhere is her function stated and only once does her name occur. Once in this text a second female adviser 
on religious matters is possibly mentioned, namely Arumura (in column i line 11, who also occurs in KUB 
48.126:13' and in KBo 16.83+ iii 10 (CTH 242) where she is GAL ^^SU.GI. 

25 For instance from Ktar of the field in column iii, lines 15-21 and 22-29. 

26 See H.M. Kummel, Ersatzrituale fiir den hethitischen Konig, StBoT 3, 1967, 87 f. Regarding the identification, 
it is not clear whether emphasis must be placed on the fact that, in KUB 21.38 Obv. iii (CTH 176), Puduhepa 
says that Urhi-Tesup gave the great god what remained (of the palace?). 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 9 

king. Moreover the king of Hakpissa asks the king why he has not yet given certain gifts. Indeed, the 
appearance in this text of a woman who advised the court on dreams prompts the question of the 
manner of recording and dealing with dreams, especially since frequent mention is made of dreams of 
persons other than the king. 

The same applies to the dreams of the queen, probably Puduhepa, which can be dated later than 
KUB 15.5+, from which later period a single dream of her husband HattuSili III has been preserved in 
this sort of text, with or without vow 27 . Perhaps what happened was that the person who had the dream 
in the palace of Hattusa or elsewhere in the kingdom summoned immediately on awaking a clerk and a 
dream-interpreter in order to dictate it while still filled with the message from the gods, who used the 
dream as one of their ways of communicating with mortals, and to ask advice about the content of that 
dream and the fulfillment of the request made in it. In this respect it would definitely be wrong to think 
that the couple Hattusili-Puduhepa would treat the content of dreams lightly 28 . 

Any such idea fails to appreciate the religious aspect of dreams. They would have been treated with 
circumspection, certainly by HattuSili, who when a weak youth was given to Istar by his father after a 
dream vision, and by Puduhepa, daughter of a priest 29 . 

Lack of an exact knowledge of the palace and temple administration of the Hittites makes it 
difficult to say whether, after the dream had been recorded, the (wooden) tablet or a copy of it was 
passed on to the administration office or the storeroom where the monitoring of the fulfillment of vows 
and the handling of requests of the gods took place 30 . Moreover it is not clear to what extent the king 
and queen separated their supervision of the temple gifts and temple treasures from their supervision of 



The damage to the tablets necessitates some slight reservation before stating absolutely that no dream of 
HattuSili belonging to this genre have been preserved. It would be a little more remarkable, since we know from 
other texts that various important decisions taken by HattuSili were based on pronouncements conveyed to him 
through dreams, e.g. the marriage to Puduhepa. 

"Schliesslich seien noch die Traume HattuSiliS-Puduhepas genannt die zur Rechtfertigung ihrer eigenen 
Haltung dienen sollen ..., die ohne weiteres manipuliert werden konnten da niemand ihre Authentizitat 
nachkontrollieren konnte, ..." (A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6, 50). 

29 The dreams are not dealt with in depth here, since they are now studied in detail by A. Mouton, Rives hittites: 
contribution a une histoire et une anthropologie du reve en Anatolie ancienne, in press (Culture and History of 
the Ancient Near East series). 

30 A few good articles on this subject are, for example: H.G. Giiterbock, "Das Siegeln bei den Hethitern", in: 
Symbolae Koschaker, 1939, 26-36; A Archi, "L'Organizzazione amministrativa ittita e il regime delle offerte 
cultuali", Or. Ant. 12, 1973, 209-226; H.G. Giiterbock, "The Hittite temple according to written sources", in: Le 
temple et le culte, 20 e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, 1975, 125-132; H. Klengel, "Zur okonomischen 
Funktion der hethitischen Temper", SMEA 16, 1975, 181-200. 



10 



Part One 



their property in the various palaces and storage buildings. Data providing some slight insight into the 
way such matters were dealt with can only be obtained indirectly from oracle texts , protocol texts , 
inventory texts 33 , and letters 34 . 

What is needed is a comprehensive study of many categories of texts in order to define more 
clearly the problems pertaining to the respective duties of palace and temple in the preparation and 
execution of all sorts of religious activities and in the organisation of the numerous religious festivals , 
of the administration of valuable metals and objects received or issued and of repaired and replaced 
cult objects. On these matters only a few incidental remarks can be made. 

Oracle consultation fell under the competencye of the palace which consequently was able to ascertain 
the wrath of the gods about irregularities in the temple. This in turn enabled the palace repeatedly to 
trace those responsible for losses by interrogating the priests and the other members of the staff. In this 
way, too, it was possible to detect any negligence in making the obligatory offerings during a festival, 
in celebrating a festival at its proper time, in the care of the clothing and jewels of the statue of a deity . 
The administration of incoming gifts from all parts of the realm (mainly exacted by the palace) and the 
distribution of objects from the central storehouse of the palace or of the great temple for use in the cult 
elsewhere in the kingdom was probably completely under palace supervision 37 , even though most often 
a priest would have selected the objects and passed them on to other temple officials. KBo 16.83+, one 
of the texts listing cult objects in store, received and distributed, is especially instructive, because it 
would seem that in it mention is made of the name, sometimes also of the function, of the inspectors, 
who could thus be held responsible for missing objects, etc. 38 But this text does not reveal clearly the 



31 For example KUB 22.70. 

32 For example KUB 13.35+. 

33 For example IBoT 1.31. 

34 For example KBo 18.153. 

35 It can, for example, be inferred from KUB 15.11 ii 10 f. that possibly someone from either the palace or the 
temple will open the stores. 

36 For instance, in KUB 5.10+ 1 ff. (CTH 567) the palace writes to the priest responsible that the results of an 
oracular inquiry indicate that Istar of Nineveh is angry in her temple. Thereafter the priest in question interrogates 
the staff on duty in the temple, who reveal the cause: "a singer took away a golden ewer and it has not been put 
back: the golden Amurru tunic which is worn by the goddess is worn out; the wagon is broken", etc. In the same 
text, published as KUB 16.83 (cited in Bildbeschreibungen, 64 f.) is a wholly comparable passage in which Istar 
of Nineveh is angry because a lapis lazuli thief has purloined various parts of cult objects. 

37 Cf. A. Archi, "Bureaucratie et communautes d'hommes libres dans le systfeme economique hittite", in: Fs H. 
Often, 1973, 17-23. 

38 L.M. Mascheroni, "Un interpretazione deH'inventario KBo 16.83+ 23-26 e i processi per mafversazione alia 
corte di Hattusa", in: Studia Mediterranea, Piero Meriggi dicata II, 1979, 353-371. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



11 



procedure concerning votive gifts, because in that case the palace, specifically the queen, both issued 
the orders and supervised the stores. Another complicating factor is that there were stores in both the 
palace citadel Buytikkale and the temple, where palace or state property was probably stored as well 39 . 

In any case it appears from the inventory list IBoT 1.31 (CTH 241) that the queen was in charge of 
the administration of gifts exacted partly as tribute 40 : the very diverse materials, sometimes in baskets 
and sometimes in chests decorated with lion's paws, are bundled together by the queen and recorded on 
wooden tablets by clerks and the queen says that, when she puts them in the E NA4 KI§IB (= storehouse 
for sealed objects) 41 , they shall be recorded on a clay tablet 42 . The text gives the impression of 
recording the inventory of consignments already present, some already provided with labels in the form 
of wooden tablets, an inventory made by the queen before those objects were definitely consigned to 
the storehouse. 

The reverse of tablet IBoT 1.31 is of direct relevance to the question whence the palace obtained the 
objects promised in our votive texts. In it, after an interruption, certain amounts of gold are said to have 
been handed over to the guardians of the states or to the goldsmiths for making certain cult objects 43 
and certain garments are said to have been given to someone to be washed. Unfortunately the place 
where the inventory was made is not mentioned 44 . 

Rules governing the removal of objects from the E NA4 KI§IB are given in KUB 31.111 (CTH 275). 
A text wholly comparable to IBoT 1.31 Rev. was found in the palace citadel, i.e. KBo 18.153 (dupl. 



39 Cf. H.G. Giiterbock, "The hittite temple...", 20 e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, 129 and H. Klengel, 
"ZurokonomischenFunktion...", SMEA 16, 181-200. 

40 A. Goetze, "The inventory IBoT 1.31", JCS 10, 1956, 32-38. Whether it was Puduhepa who initiated these 
activities or whether they were generally reckoned to be tasks of the queen is unknown. The same personal 
supervision of the objects appears, inter alia, from KUB 13.35+ ii 28 (CTH 293), in which the queen evidently 
has counted bows inlaid with gold. 

41 The objects and implements kept here included, inter alia, textile, bars of copper, bows, arrows, tunics of or 
decorated with bronze and bronze objects (KUB 13.35+ iii 3 f.). 

42 The best way to prevent falsifications and unauthorised alterations. 

43 Rev. 1 f: "From 9 sekels a pin shall be made; placed in the hands of (or: the hand of) Zuzuli. From 1 mina of 
gold a goblet shall be made. Placed in the hands (or: the hand of) of m EMi- D [SIN], etc." In one of the storage 
rooms in the great temple, clay bullae were found bearing the names of this same Zuzuli, his colleague Pupuli 
and of KaSsu (possible a gold- and silversmith): Cf. H.G. Giiterbock, "Hieroglyphensiegel aus dem 
Tempelbezirk", in: K. Bittel, Bogazkoy V, 1975, 47-75 (p. 56 no. 13). These clay bullae were attached to certain 
consignments as seals, but here for example they could have been used to place the name of the recipient where 
the gold had lain, gold which then must have been stored in the temple. For texts in which various persons called 
KaSsu occur, see F. Pecchioli Daddi, "KaSsu, un antroponimo ittita", Mesopotamia 13-14, 1978-79, 201-212. 

44 1 think it not unlikely that this took place in the E duppas whereas we know from KUB 30.32 (dupl. KBo 
18.190) (CTH 241), gold and silver, in addition to other metals and garments used for cult purposes, were stored. 



12 



Part One 



KUB 26.66) (CTH 242) in which a certain amount of silver is placed by the aforementioned Ehli- D SIN 
at the disposal of the likewise aforementioned Kaisu for the making of a silver solar disc 45 . In Obv. 9 
ff: "2 minas of silver, the weight of 1 eagle, have UR.MAH-ziti and Pupuli (in their possession) and 
that the queen has already taken up 46 and Lullu, the patili-priest had brought 1 mina of silver to the 
midwife and they will mount (in metal) 1 mina of silver for the gods of Urikina. Later they sent (or 
gave) it". It is possible that this gold and silver was nevertheless stored in the temple. In any case the 
queen could use it to have objects made which she could have given to various gods subsequent to 
making a vow. KBo 18.173 (with dupl. KUB 42.11) clearly attests that baskets containing gold 
received as gift or tribute from diverse cities and countries were also stored. This text was also found in 
the palace 47 . There is no direct reason for assuming that prior to Puduhepa the queen had no possibility 
of disposing of state and temple treasures, so that S. R. Bin-Nun's question 48 as to where the queen 
obtained the gold for golden gifts is answered by the above mentioned texts 49 . 

2. Gods and mortals 

The obvious conclusion from the votive as from other texts is that the Hittites were realistically-minded, 
and the equally obvious assumption is that the gods shared the opinion of mortals about their 
presentation of festivals and gifts. Justification of this assumption is to be found in many texts in which 
the anthropomorphic character of the gods clearly emerges from the many human traits ascribed to 
them. The character of the gods is the subject of the first section of this chapter. The second section 
deals with the contracts between gods and mortals and the ways in which the latter could gain the 
favour of the former. 



45 KBo 18.153 Obv. 2. 

46 1 am unable to specify the exact meaning of this sara da-. 

47 See introduction to KBo 18, VII. 

48 S.R. Bin-Nun, The Tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom, TdH 5, 1975, 183: "Who supplied the queen with the 
gold and the precious materials that were needed for these donations? Building a statue must have incurred huge 
expenses. So far, no text has given us any information about this most important point." Incidentally it is 
questionable whether the text KUB 22.70, referred to by this passage, should be dated prior to Puduhepa. 

49 Probably larger amounts of nuggets or ingots of precious metals known from such temple inventory texts as 
KBo 2.1 (CTH 509), in which mention is also made of people responsible for guarding them, could have come 
from war booty and tributes which, for example, were agreed on by treaty. KBo 2.1 i 26 f. ... A-NA 
KU.BABBAR-few GUSKIN (27) e-es-zi = "at the head of the silver (and) gold stands Iyarapiya." 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 
A. The character of the gods 



13 



Like the ritual texts, the descriptions of festivals and the so-called Dienstanweisungen, the prayers 
constitute a source of information on the character of the gods of the Hittites. A great many texts make 
it abundantly clear that the gods were expected to be satisfied and hence in their actions to be 
favourably inclined towards mortals, provided all their material desires were regularly fulfilled. 
Negligence or remissness in this respect on the part of mortals is the cause of all the misery and 
misfortune on earth. Since there are no differences regarding this between, for example, the fourteenth 
and the twelfth century, a precise dating of the texts cited here is not of great importance. It should be 
noted at the outset that the king and queen, but especially the king, are given the country of the 
Stormgod to rule well over it on behalf of the latter and consequently they are positioned between the 
mortals and the gods, charged with all the resultant responsibilities, but also protected against all who 
threaten their position 50 . 

A heavy burden must be borne by the king and queen, for regularly in prayers, which resemble a 
plea for the defence, they must defend their behaviour before the gods and thus ensure that the country 
can exist in prosperity. Little is known of the attitude of private individuals toward the gods, because 
the only extant sources of a religious nature are exclusively state documents containing prayers of 
princes, kings and queens 51 . We do know from the Plague Prayers of MurSili II that man is considered 
a sinner who, by confessing he has sinned, can restore peace to the hearts of the gods, just as a servant 
can make reparation to his master by confessing. Precisely because of the anthropomorphic character 
of the gods, the comparison servant - master and king - god can be carried very far. 



50 IBoT 1.30 first translated by A. Goetze, review of IBoT, JCS 1, 1947, 87-92 (p. 90f). For further literature see 
Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, "Hittite Royal Prayers", Numen 16, 91. "May the Labarna-king be loved by the gods! 
The country belongs to the Stormgod, heaven and earth and the people belong to the Stormgod. He made the 
Labarna-king custodian and gave him all of the land of Hatti. May the Labarna-king rule the entire country with 
his hand. Let the Stormgod crush those who should harm the person of the Labarna-king and his territory". In the 
old ritual text KUB 57.63+ ii 6 ff. preserved in young Hittite script (cited by F. Starke, Die Funktionen der 
dimensionalen Kasus und Adverbien im Althethitischen, StBoT 23, 1977, 62 and 102, mentioned earlier by E. 
Neu, Interpretation der hethitischen mediopassiven Verbalformen, StBoT 5, 1968, 48, 134 and 201), we see a 
similar conception of the duty of the king (and the queen): "May the neighbouring hostile countries be destroyed 
by the hand of the Labarna ... Let, however, the country of Hatti prosper (lit. 'graze') in the hand of the Labarna 
and the Tawananna ... and let it become wide". 

51 Also the protocol texts, which contain most information on the daily life of the ordinary people, provide any 
further data on the human-god relationship. 



14 



Part One 



Just how anthropomorphic the gods are is illustrated by the human traits they reveal and by the belief 
that the characters of gods and mortals are exactly identical 52 . Their end, however, is different: "Life is 
linked with death and death with life. A man cannot live forever; the days of his life are numbered 53 ." 
Naturally the mythological texts are the best source for getting to know the human nature of the gods, 
because myths try to explain the earth as it is. In them the gods act just like ordinary people and are 
beset with all the earthly problems such as family quarrels and intrigues. 

The limited scope of this chapter does not admit of a discussion of all the similarities between 
mortals and gods 54 . But the numerous details known about the care of the gods in the temples where 
they lived can help us gain some insight into daily life of the Hittites, for it is plausible to assume that 
the gods were cared for according to the pattern also observed by the mortals. This is attested by a 
combination of two texts 55 : "And they let these gods drink from a large goblet and they make libation 
from a large goblet. And when they (the gods) have satisfied their thirst, they go to bed". The second 
text relates what happens in the morning: "When it grows light on the second day, they wash the 
Stormgod", whereafter the anointing with fine oils certainly follows, as, inter alia, in KUB 9.28 iv 7 f. 
Finally the god is clad in a fine garment and then he can be diverted with music and dance while 
partaking royally of food and drink. 

It is difficult to trace whether the character of the gods tended to become more anthropomorphic with 
the passage of time because of the almost total lack of any relevant texts, other than mythological ones, 
from the Old and Middle Hittite periods which would make possible a comparison with the much more 
numerous texts from the New Hittite period. Specifically the vows and prayers in which the 
relationship between mortals and gods is so intensely manifest date mainly from later periods of Hittite 
history. The way in which the gods are represented in concrete form can hardly answer any question as 



52 KUB 13.4 i 21 f. (CTH 264): "Is the nature of men and gods perhaps different? No. Especially in this respect 
(i.e. cleanliness) different? No. Their nature are exactly alike." (Cf. E.H. Sturtevant/G. Bechtel, A Hittite 
Chrestomathy, 1935, 148 f.). This text containing instructions for the temple staff probably dates from roughly 
the same time as the votive texts. 

53 Prayer of Kantuzzili KUB 30.10 Obv. 20 f. It should be borne in mind that the king who dies as reigning 
monarch and the queen are said to "become god". Although offerings were made to them, inter aha during the 
AN.TAH.SIJM festival and the nuntarriyasha festival (see H.G. Gilterbock, "Religion und Kultus der Hethiter", 
in: G. Walser, Neuere Hethiterforschung, 1964, 54-73 (p. 67 +59 )), they were looked upon as very important 
forebears rather than as really having divine power. 

54 For information on this point, see, inter alia, A. Goetze, Kleinasien 2 , 130 ff. and G. Steiner, RIA 3, 1957-1971, 
547 s.v. Gott. 

55 KUB 55.65 iv 43 ff. (CTH 772) and KUB 7.20 Obv. 15 f. (CTH 475): H. Ehelolf, "Zum hethitischen Lexikon", 
Kl. F. 1, 1927, 137-160 (p. 138 f. and 145). 



Presentation of the HrrnTE Votive Texts 



15 



to possible developments in the direction of more anthropomorphic gods. No chronological order can 
be established in the manner of representing a god as fetish, as animal 56 , and as human being 57 . These 
three forms of expression continued to exist alongside each other. We must bear in mind that on the 
earliest Kultepe seals the gods are already portrayed as humans, while the most impersonal huwasi- 
stone even as late as Tuthaliya TV could occur as statue of a god, even though during cult reforms 
under this king alterations to the existing "statues of gods" were made whereby an iron bull was placed 
next to a huwasi-stone in the temples for various Stormgods and three solar discs representing the Sun- 
goddess of Sanatiya we replaced by a statue of a sitting woman. Since at the same time, and conversely, 
a huwasi-stone (and?) a man (as statue) representing the Stormgod of Wattarwa were replaced by an 
iron bull, we must assume that the reason for the replacement was other than a development from fetish 
via zoomorphic to an anthropomorphic object. The popularity of a certain god, the state of repair of the 
"cult statue" or the financial means of a given temple are more plausible reasons for replacement. 

The replacement of mountain, river and source gods, on the contrary, does reveal a trend toward a 
more anthropomorphic representation, e.g. male statues for mountain and river gods and female statues 
for source goddesses. Naturally the site of the cult statue influenced its outward appearance and the 
material of which it was made. For instance the mountain Malimaliya (KUB 7.24 Obv. 1 ff. 58 ) was 
represented inside a temple by an iron statue of a man with eyes of gold and standing on an iron lion, 
but outside on a rock by a /zwwaM-stone 59 . L. Rost 60 likewise concludes that no temporal distinction can 
be made between the various ways of representing a deity, even though she is of the opinion that such a 
trend would accord with the changing religious-historical conceptions in general. A development from 



O. Carruba ("Rhyta in den hethitischen Texten", Kadmos 6, 1967, 88-97, cf. also K. Tuchelt, Tiergefdsse in 
Kopf- und Protomengestalt. Untersuchungen zur Formgeschichte tierfb'rmiger Giessgefdsse, IF 22, 1962, 49-55) 
has pointed out that not all vases formed in the shape of animals were necessarily representations of gods or cult 
objects, but could also have been non-religious, imaginative creations. The animal-shaped vases made of precious 
metals were undoubtedly used purely for cult purposes. 

57 First placed in this sequence by H.G. Gilterbock, review of Bildbeschreibungen, Or. 15, 1946, 482-496. The 
following could occur fetish: /imvas;-stones ( NA4 ZI.KIN), waksur-vases, clubs or weapons in general, horns and 
solar discs. As appears from, for example, KUB 38.37 iii? 9 f. (R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle, StBoT 
4, 56 f.) the latter could represent the Sun-goddess of Arinna when made of gold and the goddess Mezzulla when 
made of silver. The text states that offerings were made to these in the temple. 

58 H.G. Gilterbock, review of Bildbeschreibungen, 491 f. 

59 Within the scope of this brief chapter, for further literature on huwaSi reference may be made to: C.W. Carter, 
Hittite Cult Inventories, 1962, 26 ff.; M. Darga, "Uber das Wesen des /iKwofr'-Steines nach hethitischen 
Kultinventaren", RHA 84-85, 1969, 5-24; F. Imparati, "Una concessione di terre da parte di Tudhaliya IV", RHA 
32, 1974, 5-209 (p. 118-137). For comments published later, see especially O.R. Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite 
Religion, \911, 25ff. and 36ff. and I. Singer, The Hittite KI.LAM Festival I, StBoT 27, 1983, see indices 172, 
175. 

60 L. Rost, "Zu den hethitischen Bildbeschreibungen I. Ted", MO 8, 1963, 161-217 (p. 166 +28 and 169). 



16 



Part One 



"holy stone" to statue of a god would, for that matter, accord well with the change discerned by 
F. Starke, namely a god - mortal relationship formerly conceived of as personal tends to become a 
more distant, submissive attitude of mortal to god, as reflected in the oft-recurring epithets for the gods, 
"my lord" (EN-YA ) or "my lady" (GASAN-K4) 61 . 

A complicating factor in the assessment of statues of gods lies in the circumstance that really our 
only basis for it is the cult inventory texts which mark the said changes. And since the majority of these 
texts must be dated to the reign of Tuthaliya IV at the end of Hittite history, they probably do not 
reflect the actual situation in the preceding centuries. Admittedly there are enough descriptions of 
festivals and ritual texts written in the old ductus, but they provide no data for a delineation of the 
god - mortal relationship in the Old Hittite age. 

The major difference between the gods and the mortals is revealed specifically in certain mental 
qualities which render the gods superior. This mental superiority manifests itself in (para) handandatar, 
"the divine rule" which the gods can display. Through this quality, already treated in detail by, inter 
alia, F. Sommer/H. Ehelolf 62 , A. Goetze 63 and O.R. Gurney 64 , the mortal can become entirely 
subservient to the god. In exceptional cases the mortal can also, if he is para handant-, be led by the 
god in such way that he does not deviate from the right path and knows how to avoid the mistakes 
normally made by mortals, as HattuSili III writes of himself 55 . A terrifying, blinding divine appearance 
is called hatugatar, which G. Furlani terms an important distinction between god and mortal 66 . 

The anthropomorphic conception which mortals have of the gods understandably leads to the belief 
that the gods speak a language of their own which differs from the ordinary everyday language of the 
Hittites. Unfortunately, unlike in the Greek texts in which the gods have a different word for a certain 



61 F. Starke, "Halmasuit im Anitta-Text und die hethitische Ideologie vom Konigtum", ZA 69, 1979, 64 + . in my 
view it is questionable whether such a theological change can be inferred from the texts. In any case the so-called 
'old gods' were not represented differently than the 'new gods'. 

62 F. Sommer/H. Ehelolf, Das hethitische Ritual des Papanikri von Komana, Boghazkoi-Studien 10, 1924, 30 f. 
where the meaning is compared circumspectly with the Latin 'numen'. 

63 Hart, 52 ff. and A. Goetze, Kleinasien, 146. 

64 O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers ofMursili II, AAA 27, 1940, 3-163 (p. 76 f.). 

65 The most instructive passage pertaining to handandatar etc. is Hart, i 36-50. Gurney's (O.R. Gurney, Hittite 
Prayers..., AAA 27, 76f.) explanation for the problem that a god could likewise be para handant- is that both 
humans and gods can be inspired by divine power. 

66 G. Furlani, La religione..., 24. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



17 



bird than the mortals or in which mention is made of the gods' word for a herb 68 , this special 
language can only be deduced from other names and/or epithets of the gods in the Hittite and proto- 
Hattian languages. 

In KUB 8.41 ii 2 f. for example: "For mankind you (are) Tahattanuiti, among [the gods] the mother 
of the source, the queen", and in 5 f.: "For mankind you (are) Wasezzili, among the gods the lion, the 
king 69 ". At the beginning of the year the gods of heaven and earth assemble in the house of the 
Stormgod to determine the events of the newly-born year 70 . Nevertheless mortals consider them 
dependent on the care taken of them by humans. In a desparate attempt to avert the ruin of the Hittite 
people, Murslli II warns the gods in one of his Plague Prayers 71 that if they continue to allow people to 
die, then presently there will be no one left to take care of the gods and thus they will create problems 
for themselves. The Telipinu myth shows how hunger can be a concrete problem for the gods, for in it 
the disappearance of the god Telipinu resulted in both mortals and gods starving to death 72 . 



67 Horn. II. S 290 f.: opviOi Xiyupfj kvaXiyKioc,, fjv t' ev opsooi / xaXidSa KiKX/iiaKooai Oeoi, av8ps<; 5'e 
kouivSw. 



68 



Horn. Od. k 305: iicbXo 5s uiv Ka^eouoi 9eoi.. 



The examples have been taken from J. Friedrich, "Gottersprache und Menschensprache im hethitischen 
Schrifttum", in: Fs. A. Debrunner, 1954, 135-139. 

70 KUB 36.97. Cf. H. Otten, "Ein Text zum Neujahrsfest aus Bogazkoy", OLZ 51, 1956, 101-105. This assembly 
was probably held during a new year festival. O.R. Gurney {Some Aspects..., 39) mentions a like assembly at a 
festival in honour of Telipinu. 

71 First prayer, KUB 14.14+ ii 24 ff. Cf. A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete des MurSilig", Kl. F. 1, 1929, 161-251 (p. 174 
f.). 

72 In this context it is understandable that the gods were also subject to fear (KUB 28.4 ii 21). In general, for that 
matter, both gods and mortals were subject to the same limitations issuing from their dependence on 'nature', 
which could become temporarily disorganised by the incapacitation of a god operating in a sub-area. This 
incapacitation could be caused by physical mutilation, defilement or witchcraft. The magical manipulation 
needed to effectuate recovery is the same for the (statue of the) god and for mortals (cf. V. Haas, Magie und 
Mythen im Reich der Hethiter, 1977, 136 ff). Evidence of the enchantment, bewitchment of a god is contained in 
KUB 5.6+ iii 18ff, an oracle text from the time of Murgili II or HattuSili III, in which two women perform rites to 
protect the gods against bewitchment (A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 1974, 168 f). 



18 



Part One 



B. The contacts between gods and humans 

In addition to the assembly of the gods 73 noted above, other gatherings were regularly held to discuss 
requests made by human beings. Many prayers make mention of such meetings 74 , usually in connexion 
with a request of the person who addresses the prayer to a certain deity, asking him to broach the 
subject in the assembly of the gods. 

In the prayer of Muwatalli to the Stormgod pihassassi, mention is made of a tuliya 75 , with as 
explanation "place of the meeting, at which place the gods assemble". Tuliya probably also occurred in 
a damaged passage in a prayer of Puduhepa to the Sun-goddess of Arinna 76 : "Will you ask the life [of 
Hattusili your servant, in the meeting] of all the gods. May your reque[st] be received [fa]vourably". 
The clearest passage about the function of the tuliya occurs in the prayer of Hattusili and Puduhepa to 
the Sun-goddess of Arinna 77 : "and (if) some god or other is called upon to concern himself with that 
evil matter, then the Stormgod and the (other) gods will assemble at a certain moment and if someone 
speaks of that evil matter in the assembly the Sun-goddess of Arinna must . . . , etc." 

The prayer is the most direct and most discrete line of approach from a mortal to a god. But if someone 
cannot, or dare not, ask one of the upper gods to argue his case in the assembly of the gods, he can ask 
another god to intermediate and to pass on his message 78 . This occurs only twice in the votive texts, i.e. 
in KBo 13.72 Rev. 9 f.: "If you mount Tapasunuwa, [intervene] for me with the Stormgod of Heaven, 
(and) I shall defeat . . . (and) for the mountain I ... then to the mountain will I 1000 [...]". 

A very manifest request for the intervention of the bull Serf with all the gods is to be found in the 
aforementioned prayer of Muwatalli to the Stormgod pihassassi 19 "Seri, my lord, bull, appointed 80 by 



73 Such an assembly is termed tuliya. It can be held in heaven, or, as appears from KUB 21.19+, in the temple of 
the Stormgod of Nerik (see V. Haas, Der Kult von Nerik, 1970, AT 1 ). Another possible site for this assembly is a 
temple in Hattusa, since this city is so designated in KUB 21.19+ iv 25. Information on tuliya is given by G.M. 
Beckman, "The Hittite Assembly", JAOS 102, 1982, 435-442. 

74 Not in the earliest known prayer, that of Kantuzzili (KUB 30.10). The quotations from the prayers cited here, 
all from the so-called Empire period, are a selection. 

75 KUB 6.45+ hi 1 If. 

76 KUB 21.27+ ii 28 f. 
77 KUB21.19+ivl5ff. 

78 Intermediation was not a typical Hittite phenomenon which did not occur in Mesopotamia (cf. after H.G. 
Giiterbock: Ph.HJ. Houwink ten Cate, "Hittite Royal Prayers", Numen 16, 88 f.). 

79 KUB 6.45+ i 33/36 f. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



19 



the Stormgod of Hatti, proclaim to the gods these words which I utter as prayer and may the lord gods 
hear these words as prayer, the lord gods of heaven and earth". 

The second example from the votive texts is KUB 15.1 ii 28 ff: "And if for me you, O 2 
Sarrumanni-s and 1 Allanzunni, you who from the womb of the god are sprung, if for me you listen to 
this matter and tell (it) further to Sarrama, etc 81 ." 

Finally, in her prayer to the Sun-goddess of Arinna (KUB 21.27+, CTH 384) Puduhepa makes an 
emphatic call on lower-ranking gods to carry her plea to the Sun-goddess of Arinna and also to her 
spouse, the Stormgod of Nerik. In succession the goddesses Lelwani, Zintuhi and Mezzulla are invoked 
and finally the Stormgod of Zippalanda, son of the Sun-goddess and the Stormgod, literally to put in a 
good word for her with them. 

There is no mention in the Hittite texts of the gods having fulfilled a vow or heard a prayer. Only 
indirectly can, for example, the passing of an illness, a victory over the enemy and the continued 
existence of the king indicate that the gods approve of the gifts and the religious actions promised in 
the vows. The feature of the prayers is the desire of the mortals to hear from the gods just how they 
have sinned and transgressed the rules agreed upon, thus bringing down misfortune on themselves. 
Often, moreover, it must first be made known to which god in which place can be ascribed the cause of 
the misery. Both questions can be answered by making (often many) oracular inquiries 82 . The gods can 
reveal their opinion both at request and unsolicited 83 . In addition mortals can try to provoke a god into 
making a pronouncement 84 . 

The most direct line of approach between gods and mortals is revelation through a dream in which 
the god makes known his will without the intervention of a third party 85 . From various prayers in which 



Meaning ofpiran tiyant- uncertain. 
81 The request to be heard occurs in both vows and prayers. In the votive texts, a valuable ear is sometimes 
promised to the god for hearing. 

2 There is no opportunity here to discuss oracles in greater depth. Some comments on them are made in the 
section on the places where the vows or dreams occur. 

83 Unsolicited, the gods express themselves specifically through omens. When so requested, they express their 
opinion through oracles. 

84 Incubation in a temple was a means of contacting the gods in dreams. 

85 See especially Dreams. In the votive texts, repeatedly a god requests something of a dreamer. The remark of 
G. Dossin, "Une revelation du dieu Dagan a Terqa", RA 42, 1948, 125-134 (p. 133) that it is a typical feature of 
the Semitic religion that mortals can easily come into contact with the gods through dreams is, in any case, also 
applicable to the Hittites. Cf. A. Archi, "The propaganda of HattuSiliS III", SMEA 14, 1971, 185-215 (p. 190): 
"The theme of dreams as a means of communication between the divinity and human beings is fundamental to 
hittite religious experience." 



20 



Part One 



the gods are asked to open their hearts and souls and to reveal their opinions we know that third parties 
acted as intermediaries between the gods and mortals. In the prayer of Kantuzzili 86 : "Would that my 
god might now freely open his heart (and) soul to me and [tell] me my fault so that I might learn about 
it! Either let my god speak to me in a dream! Would that my god would open his heart to me and tell 
[me] my [fau]lt so that I might learn about it! Or let the sibyl 87 tell me, [or] let the Sun-god's seer 88 tell 
[me] from the liver (of a sheep)". 

Comparable to this is KUB 24.3+ ii 19-22, a prayer of Mursili n 89 : "Now, O Gods, whatever sin you 
see, either [let] a man of god 90 come and declare it or [let] the old women 91 , the seers 92 , [(or) the 
augurs 93 determine it] or let men see it in a dream". 

The same three possibilities but in roughly the opposite order are mentioned in the second Plague 
Prayer of Mursili II (KUB 14.8+ Rev. 41 ff.) 94 : "... wenn auch aus irgendeinem anderen Grand das 
Sterben herrscht, so mochte ich ihn entweder im Traume schauen, oder er soil durch ein Orakel 
festgestellt werden, oder ein Gott begeisterter 95 (7) soil ihn nennen, oder was ich alien Priestern 96 



86 Translation of A. Goetze, ANET 3 , 1969, 400 (KUB 30.10 Obv. 24 ff.). 

87 MUNUSp-vjcT 

88 LlJ AZU. 

89 Translation of O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 27. 

90 DTNGlR.MES-ni-ya-an-za, here without determinative. The person connoted by the Sumerogram LU DINGIR- 
LIM-niant or DINGIR.MES-M;a«/ (Hitt. *siunianf) is translated as "Enthusiasmierte" by A. Goetze (Kleinasien, 
147): "someone who becomes one with the god to such a degree that he feels him within himself and 
consequently can reproduce the opinion of the god". Earlier A. Gotze ("Die Pestgebete...", Kl. F. 1, 233) had 
suggested "Gottbegeisteter(?)" as translation. In O.R. Gurney {Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 89 and 154): "man of 
god", "ecstatic(?)" with as commentary: "There is no further evidence for the activity of this person". Evidently 
Goetze's opinion is that anyone can at a certain moment attain the necessary level of ecstasy and consequently 
reproduce the opinion of the gods, whereas O.R. Gurney would seem to favour a professional medium. Neither 
author, however, has taken into consideration the passage from the Telipinu text (KBo 3.1+ ii 32-33) cited earlier 
by H. Ehelolf, "Hethitisch-akkadische Wortgleichungen", ZA 43, 1936, 170-195 (p. 177) in which siunan 
antuhses gives warning of the murders in the royal family, literally "people of the gods", "sachlich gewiss 
identisch mit dem Lt, DINGIR-ZJAf-w'-an-za," etc. HA. Hoffher, "An English-Hittite Glossary", RHA 25, 1967, 7- 
99 (p. 71) translates siunan antuMas and LU DINGIR-I/A/ as "prophet". Unfortunately this single passage does 
not suffice to further delineate the role played by these possible prophets among the Hittites and to compare them, 
for instance, with prophets in Mari and Israel (for litterature see F. Ellermeier, Prophetie in Mari und Israel, 1977, 
224 ff). In any case, the qualification added to *siuniyant by A. Kammenhuber (Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 197), 
namely "nur bei Mursilis II", (with on p. 24 the comment that the sallis LU SU.GI under Muwatalli can be 
identified with the *siuniyant under Mursili and the MUNUS ENSI under Kantuzzili) would not seem to be 
completely correct. In the above, account has not been taken of the fact that the MUNUS DINGIR-ZJM also 
occurs twice in Hittite texts. Hence a prophetess is possibly also attested. 

91 MUNUS.MESStt pj 

92 LU.MES . 2\ J 

93 LUME Smu§en DU 

94 Translation by A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete...", Kl. F. 1, 219. 

95 LU DINGJR-LIM-ni-an-za. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



21 



auftrug, da sollen sie sich auf reinem (Bette) erschlafen". The prophetic value of dreams and omens is 
of great importance, as is attested by KUB 15.2 Rev. 5ff. 97 : "Wenn dem Konig Sterben vorausbestimmt 
ist (?), ob er es im Traum schaut oder es ihm aus den Fleischorakeln [ode]r Vogelorakeln angezeigt 
wird, oder ob ihm (sonst) irgend ein boses Omen fur Tod vorher geschieht, [so] (ist) dies das Ritual 
da[fur]". 

Only ""^ENSI and Lt, SANGA, not the other religious officials L °AZU, L<1 DTNGTR-LIM-myant, 
S SU.GI, and LU MUSEN.DU occur a few times in the vows where they connote "explainer of 
dreams" and "priest" 98 . This is further evidence that the votive texts do not constitute a genre wherein 
occurs the divine reaction to what is promised, which then has to be interpreted by functionaries. 

Sometimes in dreams mortals are plainly told that they are expected to give something, or they do 
so of their own free will in order to propitiate the gods. The dissatisfaction of the gods because of an 
unfulfilled vow can be expressed later, when an oracular inquiry reveals such as the reason for the 
gods' anger. It appears from KBo 2.2 iii 10 ff. 99 that the "Sun-goddess of Arinna of the youth" is angry 
"because of the vows promised objects". An accommodation proposed by means of an oracular inquiry, 
which suggests a penalty and a supplementary offering, is not deemed satisfactory. Unfortunately the 
rest of the text has not been preserved. 

Comparable attempts to persuade the gods to be content with a promise to do what is asked, though 
some time will pass before this occurs, are also known from the prayers and the votive texts. In the 
second Plague Prayer of Mursili II 100 the king requests permission to postpone (or cancel) the offerings 
to the Mala river because he is still on his way to it: "(As for) the offerings to the river Mala that were 
established (as a cause) in connection with the plague - since I am now on my way to the river Mala, 
acquit me 101 of that offering to the river Mala, O Hattian Storm-god my lord, and you gods, my lords! 
The offering to the river Mala I promise to make, I promise to complete it properly" etc. 



96LU.MES SANGA 

97 H.M. Ktimmel, Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 3, 70 f. 

For information on most of the officials mentioned above, reference can be made to the publication of A. 
Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 119 ff. and F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri, professioni e dignitd 
nell' Anatolia ittita, 1982. 

99 See also the comment on this text at m Katapa-DINGIR-I/M in Part One Chapter 9. 

100 Text in A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete. . .", Kl. F. 1, 214 f. Translation of A. Goetze, ANET 3 , 1969, 395. 

101 The verb appan tarna- can equally well mean 'postpone', 'defer' (HE Erg. 2, 1961, 25). 



22 



Part One 



Somewhat comparable to this is the votive text KUB 15.1 ii 13-17 in which the queen asks 
Sarruma to ward off evil from the king as long as she is engaged in making the offerings and until such 
time as she shall have completed making the offerings which she swore under oath to make because of 
an oracle. The queen does not specify the span of time and one cannot avoid the impression that she is 
deliberately procrastinating. This may also be the case in the same column of the same text (lines 32-34) 
where the queen asks that no evil word may reach her husband as long as he is engaged in making the 
promised offerings. This element of bargaining with the gods is most marked in the oracular inquiries, 
but a description of them falls outside the scope of this chapter. 



3. The places where the vow or dream occur 

Damages to the text often render it impossible to deduce where the dream or vow described took place. 
Nevertheless it is striking that only once 102 is mention made of a dream or vow of the queen in Hattusa 
as compared with once or more often in the following cities: Alalah, Hasa[...], Hurma, Iyamma, 
Katapa, Laiuna, Manayara, Musunipa, Samuha, Uda, Urikina, USSa, Utruna, Zithara. In the texts 
discussed here, therefore, the place where the king dreams or makes a vow is never mentioned, which 
is remarkable in view of the fact that in the texts of other genres 103 dreams of the king are mentioned, 
for example in Ankuwa 104 , Kienta 105 and Tiliura 106 . If no city is named, we may probably assume that 
the dream or the vow of the king or queen occurred in Hattusa . 

With the exception of Alalah, Hasa[...], Hurma, Musunipa and Uda, the queen spent the night in a 
palace or temple in all the other above-mentioned places, since she had a dream there . In view of the 
publications of descriptive geographical inventories 109 only marginal notes are given for the cities in 
question. The text passages which speak of "the god of ..." are not listed, since probably the god 
referred to often had a temple in cities other than the one specified. 



102 KUB 15.24 i 9 where kisan IK-RU-UB can be restored. 

103 Oracle texts, with the exception of KBo 23.1 13, a religious text containing donations to cities. 



104 KUB 49.90:4. 

105 KBo 23.113 iii 12' 



106 
107 



KUB 5.11 il. 



As in KUB 22.69 ii 4, where the king has a dream in the temple of Kubaba (and not the queen, as stated in 
HW 2 , 292). 
108 Possibly with the exception of Iyamma. 

109 H. Ertem, Bogazkoy metinlerinde gegen cografya adlari dizini, 1973 and RGTC 6. For texts from the time 
Hattusili III, mention should be made of the geographical overview of A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 185 ff. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



23 



Iyamma (KUB 15.1 ii 6): 

It is possible that the queen did not have the dream in Iyamma, but in Urikina where, perhaps the queen 
recalled in a dream the impressive event which took place in Iyamma. The parallel with Laiuna in 37 ff. 
could indicate this. In any case one may assume that Iyamma, where there was at least an E NA4 KISIB 
in the time of Telepinu and a E tarnu in the time of Hattusili III, was located in the vicinity of Samuha 110 . 



Katapa (KUB 15.6 ii 10 (fr.), KUB 15.12 i 7' and 11'): 

This cultic center, famous in both the Old and New Hittite periods, was located a day's journey 
probably to the east of Hattusa. It had in any case a winter palace of Mursili II (KUB 19.37 ii 38 and 
KUB 5.4 iii 3) and also a palace of the queen, a palace of the forefathers, a storage house and a 
building where tablets were inscribed (KBo 9.72). I have found no evidence to attest the view that from 
the votive texts it can be inferred that there was a winter residence of the royal family in Katapa 111 . 
Indeed the vows could very well have been made during one of the many religious festivals celebrated 
in Katapa, e.g. the nuntarriyasha festival in the autumn when the king returned from his campaigns 
(KUB 9.16 i 1 ff. and KUB 10.48 ii 1 1 ff.), the regular festivals and the thunder festival (KUB 5.4 iii 4), 
the AN.TAH.SUM festival (Katapa is mentioned, inter alia, in KBo 10.20 i 13) and an unspecified 
festival (KBo 2.12), etc 112 . 

Under Mursili II Katapa took the place of Nerik, lost to the Gasga, during the nuntarriyasha 
festival. There are indications that the vows, whether or not made in dreams, were most often made in 
Hattusa or elsewhere during religious festival journeys, namely: 

1. Explicitly the statement that a vow was made (to Saumatari) during the torch festival is to be 
found in KUB 15.19 Obv. 11 ff, with in line 14, in a severely damaged passage, the statement that 
during the f[estiv]als in Musunipa the queen probably made a vow or addressed a prayer, to a deity on 
behalf of the king. Likewise in KUB 15.1 ii 45 it is said that in the days of the torch festival the queen 
in a dream addressed a prayer and made a vow to the "queen of Tarhuntassa". 

2. Indirect indications are to be found in KUB 15.24 i 1 ff where mention is made of the regular 
festivals and where, on the day (?) that there was a salli assessor, a great meeting, the queen made a 



110 The mention of KUB 41.55 Obv. 4 in H. Ertem, Bogazkoy... cografya adlari dizini, 56 is based on an error. 
Read: Iyaninna. 



112 



Thus H. Otten/V. Soucek, Ein althethitisches Ritual fir die Kdnigspaar, StBoT 8, 1969, 104. 

As I. Singer demonstrated (The Hittite KI.LAM Festival I, StBoT 27, 35), KBo 2.12 does not belong to the 



KI.LAM festival, as was hitherto assumed (see CTH 627, 15). 



24 



Part One 



vow to the Stormgod of Hatti. KUB 15.28+ ii 14 also contains mention of a salli assessor. In column 
iii of this same text it is possible that protection for the king is requested "until I shall have ended the 
autumn festivals." Since in principle the salli assessor took place in the halentuwa-house in one of the 
cities visited during the celebration of the AN.TAH.SUM festival and the nuntarriyasha festival, this 
indicates a vow made during a festival (journey). In the fourth column of KUB 15.24 mention is made 
of the Lord of the KI.LAM festival, in what for the rest is an obscure text 113 . The fact that the promise 
to initiate festivals is made in some texts, for example KUB 15.14 and 15.21, says nothing about the 
moment when the vow was made, nor does the vow to celebrate the purulli festival in Hakmi§ and/or 
Nerik 114 . 

Laiuna (KUB 15.1 ii 38): 

This city, so far mentioned only in this text, with also the mention of the gods Sarruma of Laiuna (in 37 
and 41) and [S]anda of Laiuna (in iii 4'), must have been located in Kizzuwatna according to E. 
Laroche 115 . The text mentions a tarnu where the queen saw the event take place in a dream, hence it is 
plausible to assume there were lodgings in Laiuna where the queen could spend the night and have this 
dream. In any case there was a Sarruma sanctuary, as in Uda and Urikina. 

Manavara (KUB 48.123 iv 13 (fr.), 14) 116 : 

This city, mentioned only in this text, lays at a relatively short distance from Kudupsassi, which 
likewise is not mentioned in any other text. The queen had a bad dream in Manayara, where she 
therefore very probably spent the night. She made a vow there to Ktar of Lawazantiya for the sake of 
the protection of the king and his armies during a campaign. 



113 It is more or less to be expected that the gifts for the goddess Lelwani, as named in Puduhepa's vow (KUB 
15.17+) were presented while the king and the queen celebrated the "festivals of the third year" (H. Otten/V. 
Soucek, Das Geliibde..., StBoT 1, 25 and 40 +18 ) and the other annual gifts at the end of the old, or beginning of 
the new, year. This knowledge does not help solve the question whether the vows were made during the festivals 
in Hattusa or elsewhere in the country. 

114 KUB 48.119 Obv. 3'-8'.^ 

115 In RGTC 6, 238 only Sarruma is mentioned as god in Laiuna. The Cilician god Sanda is mentioned by 
E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 1963, 277-302 (p. 293 +2 ). For proper names with Santa see 
LPG, 136 f. 

116 Manayara is not mentioned in the index to KUB 48. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



25 



Samuha (KUB 15.28+ iii 2' (fr.), KUB 15.30 iii 8', KUB 48.126:29' (fr.)): 

For this famous cult city, see inter alia the publication of R. Lebran, Samuha... Despite its great 
importance as cultic center, Samuha occurs relatively seldom in the votive texts. That the queen spent 
the night there is highly likely, since diverse festival ceremonies were held there and, moreover, there 
were several palaces. The well-known dream of GaSsuliyawiya 117 in which she saw Lelwani also 
occurred in Samuha. In the oracle text KBo 16.97 Rev. 15, mention is made of the possibility that the 
god of Samuha tells the queen to go to Samuha. 

Urikina (KUB 15.3 i 15; KUB 48.117:4; KUB 48.125 ii? 2'): 

Only in the last of these texts is there a probable mention of a dream of the queen in Urikina, a city in 
the vicinity of Kummanni 118 . In Urikina Hattusili III had temples built in honour of Istar 119 . Further, the 
city is known because of the renewal (there?) of the treaty between Ulmi-Tesup and Tuthaliya IV(?). 

UJ§a (KUB 48.1 18:1): 

This city was located in the Lower Land and one of its princes is mentioned in a text of the Old Hittite 
period . The queen is said to have had a dream there and Ussa is twice mentioned (lines 7 and 17) in 
the votive text. In KUB 54.70 121 U§sa is mentioned in connexion with a vow made by Urhi-Tesup. It 
was also in Ussa that Tuthaliya IV placed his high officials under oath 122 . 

Utruna (KUB 48.119 Obv.? 9'; KUB 48.12L1) 123 : 

In addition to the above-mentioned texts, this city also occurs in the oracle text KUB 6.15 ii 3 (CTH 
582) and in the votive text KBo 27.60, in which vows on behalf of the king are said to have been made 
to Saumatari and Istar in consequence of what was most likely a dream of the queen in Utruna. In each 
of the first three texts 124 mention is made of an illness of the king in KUB 48.119 explicitly called the 



'KBo 4.6. 

i Cf. E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 294 and 297. 
'KUB 21.17 iii l'-20'. 
^BoTU^AiiiSO'. 
1 In R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 211. 
'■ KUB 26.1+ (CTH 255). 

! For Utruna, see especially G.F. del Monte, "Utruna e la festa purulli-", Or. Ant. 17, 1978, 179-192. 
Textual damage makes it impossible to discern why a vow was made for the king in KBo 27.60. 



26 



Part One 



eye-disease cataract, probably of Hattusili's right eye 125 . Reference could possibly be made in KUB 
6.15 ii 1' to the same disease with thereafter in line 3 mention of a dream of the queen in Utruna, 
though in a new section. Further research could possibly establish a relationship between the four texts. 
Since Utruna was only temporarily an important cultic center where, inter alia, the purulli festival for 
the Stormgod of Nerik was celebrated 126 we may assume that all texts in which a dream or an oracle 
occurs in Utruna and an illness of the king is mentioned date from the reign of Hattusili III and 
Puduhepa (for KUB 48.1 19, there is other proof as well). It is not certain, however, that the cult of IStar 
of Samuha and of IStar of Lawazantiya (in KUB 6.15) disappeared from Utruna, as suggested by del 
Monte on the basis of the fact that Utruna does not recur in the Hittite texts 127 . 

Zithara (KUB 15.28+ ii 2'; KUB 31.77 i 5; KUB 48.123 i 8'): 

In this city, possibly located more southernly than the bend of the Halys river but not too far from 
Hattusa, there was in any event a palace where the king could spend the winter, as in HattuSa, Katapa 
and Ankuwa 128 . At any rate the queen spent a night there, as can be inferred from the second text: ". . . 
and the queen saw in the night of the offering of tears the following dream ..." It is likely that the other 
two texts speak of the same illness involving an auli of the king since, in both, Zithara is the place 
where a vow is made with a request that all may go well. 

4. The gods invoked - the objective of their invocation 



Allani 



Allanzun(n)i 
AMARUD of Laiuna 



- the renewed growth of the grain 
-the life of the king 

- success on a campaign and return in good condition 

- listening and telling further, the averting of evil 

_? 



125 See Part One Chapter 5 for the dating of this text. 

126 Mursili II appointed Katapa to replace Nerik which was captured by the Gasga. Later, Muwatalli appointed 
Utruna to replace Nerik. Under HattuSili III, Nerik regained its position of honour and the statue of the Stormgod 
of Nerik was returned there from Utruna. This can be inferred from KUB 42.100, cf. G.F. del Monte, "Utruna. 
Or. Ant. 17, 181 f. 

127 G.F. del Monte, "Utruna...", Or. Ant. 17, 192. 

128 A. Archi, "II dio Zawalli. sul culto dei morti presso gli Ittiti",^oF 6, 1979, 81-94 (p. 91: KUB 5.3). 

129 In various cases the deity to whom the vow is made is unknown owing to textual damage. Some gods 
mentioned incidentally and not in connexion with vows are not included here. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



27 



DIM.NUN.ME of Kummanni 

DINGIR URU Arusna 

DINGIR GAL 

DINGIR GE 6 

DINGIR.MES 

GulS 

GurwaSu 

Hepat 

Hepat of Kummanni 

Hepat of Uda 

IShara 

IStar (of the battle?) 

IStar of Alalah 

IStar of Lawazantiya 



IStar LIL (of the field) 
IStar ME (of the battle) 
IStar? of Nineveh 
IStar of Sahpina? 
IStar of Samuha 



IStar - Hepat 



- the king not being seized 
_? 

_? 
_? 

- support for the king on campaign 
_? 

- 100 years of life for the king 

_? 

- health 

- the life of the king and twice a desire of the goddess herself 

- the life of the king 

- the defeat of the enemy 

- the revelation of what is concealed 

- the protecting and not disdaining of iparwasha 

- support for the king 

- the illness of the king 

- the successful conclusion of the matter concerning Sap la 

- the soft hand of the doctor 

- the protection of the king 

- the health of the king 

- not permitting evil things 

- keeping the evil death away from the king and the armies 
-? 

_? 

- a campaign? 

- the life of the king 

- the life of the king and queen 

- the protection of the king on a campaign(?) 

- the life of the king 

- lending support 

_9 



28 



Part One 



Katahha 


- the existence of Ankuwa 


Kunniyawanni 


- illness 


KU& kursa 


- not putting something into motion 


LAMMA 


_? 


NIN.GAL 


- the healing of the king's feet 


NIN.GAL of Kummanni(?) 


_? 


Pirinkir 


- the matter of the eagle 


MUNUS.LUGAL of TarhuntaSsa 


- the well-being of the king 


>» » 


- the recovery of the right eye 


Sarruma of Gallazzuwa 


_? 


Sarruma of Laiuna 


- the assault on the queen by young men 


Sarruma of Uda(?) 


- the life of the king and no dying in the army 


Sarruma of Urikina 


- the assault on the queen by young men 


2 Sarrumanni-s 


- listening and telling further, the averting of evil 


Sarrumanni of Urikina 


_? 


Saumatari of Kaittana 


- the life of the king 


" (?) 


- support and the breaking of opponents 


" 


- the well-being of the king 


Serf 


_? 


SIN 

U 

UAN-E 


- long years of the king 

_ 9 


- the existence of Ankuwa 



UKI.LAM 

U of Nerik 

U of Nerik of the campaign 

U of Zippalanda 

U.GUR 

UTU of Arinna (or the king) 

UTUAN-£ofHuhana 



the life of the king 
the defeat of the enemy 



_? 



■ listening and in the army [. . .] 

- the safe return home without hostilities 

- the existence of Ankuwa 

.? 

• no evil shall afflict the king as long as the festivals last 

- permitting the king to live for years 



Wanza 



ZABABA(?) 
ZABABA of Urikina 
Zawalli 

The mountain Tapasunuwa 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 

- encountering no one in the gateway 

- admitting no enemy weapons 

- the king must not die 

- everything sound 

- holding in front a protective shield 

- support 

- the life of the king 

- the matter of Zawalli 

- disease of the knees 

- intermediation with the Stormgod of Heaven 



29 



This list of gods and goddesses, whose assistance was invoked in the votive texts by the king queen or 
others, clearly demonstrates the complexity of the pantheon as revealed in all Hittite texts. Even in this 
limited genre of texts from a closely demarcated late period in Hittite history (approx. 1300-1200) the 
eclectic character of the Hittite pantheon emerges in full breadth. Moreover account must be taken of 
the fact that an Akkadogram or Sumerogram often covers a name with a Hittite pronunciation. The 
origins of the gods and goddesses can, in a number of cases, be deduced from linguistic evidence. 
Hattian: Kattahha; Human: Allani, Allanzuni, Hepat, Ishara, Pirinkir, Saumatari, Seri; Originally Asian: 
Kunniyawanni, Zawalli; Hittite/Luwian: Gurwasu, kursa. 

Here we can bear in mind the postulation of E. Laroche: "On peut poser que toute figure du 
pantheon hittite sans attache locale a une montagne donnee est d'importation orientale 130 ." 



Most of the cities in the above list, where the gods had their temple(s), are located in eastern Anatolia 
(Urikina, Kummanni, Uda, Lawazantiya, Laiuna) in Kizzuwatna-Hurrian territory, which is to be 
expected in view of the dating of most of the texts to the reign of HattuSili and Puduhepa. The 
influence of Puduhepa, herself born in Kizzuwatna is obvious. 

It is quite evident from the diverse subjects of the vows that a certain god did not concern himself 
with a specific subject, but that the person who made the vow had his or her own reason for addressing 
a particular god, sometimes one of a particular place, and that often this depended on the place where 



E. Laroche, "Recherches sur les noms des dieux hittites", RHA 46, 1946-47, 7-139 (p. 133). 



30 



Part One 



the person was and possibly on the festival during which the vow was made. This conclusion is all the 
more remarkable if taken in conjunction with the fact that most of the extant vows were made by the 
same persons, one royal couple. The goddess invoked in the majority of the vows is Istar of 
Lawazantiya, whose servant Puduhepa was prior to her marriage with HattuSili III 131 . Almost all the 
vows addressed to Istar of Lawazantiya and Istar of Samuha are concerned with the life of the king, 
though vows are also made to other deities for the sake of the king's life. 

The different place names associated with the same god indicate local variants of that god who, 
however, certainly must be deemed specific independent gods who were venerated as such. Moreover 
the independence of the larger or religiously more important cities within the Hittite realm meant that 
there was no question of a centrally-organised state religion 132 . For the faithful it must have been a real 
problem to ascertain which guise of a certain god must be approached in order to render possible the 
restoration of an originally good situation. In KBo 2.2 diverse oracular inquiries are answered in the 
negative before the exact identity of the wrathful god is discerned 133 . Naturally enough this problem is 
not stated explicitly in the votive texts, since vows were possibly addressed directly to the proper god 
after oracular inquiries had been made. 



5. The dating of the votive texts 

The votive texts date from the period from Muwatalli up to and including Tuthaliya IV. In dating texts 
it must ever be borne in mind that the number of texts preserved from the Muwatalli and Urhi-Tesup 
reigns is relatively smaller than those of Mursili II and Hattusili III 134 . Hence this factor weighs heavy 
in assessing the occurrence of certain genres and in determining, for example, the influence of the 
Human religion on the Hittites. Nevertheless it would seem that the vows in the stricter sense, that is 



131 H. Otten, Puduhepa. Eine hethitische Konigin in ihren Textzeugnissen, 1975, 133. 

132 Cf. H. Otten, in: Religionsgeschichte..., 106. 

133 In ii 23 is established that the Sun-goddess of Arinna is the cause of the king's illness. Various questions are 
asked and then from line 50 on an attempt is made to discover which Sun-goddess of Arinna is angry. It appears 
not to be the Sun-goddess of Arinna "who has her altar in Arinna", nor the Sun-goddess of Arinna "who is 
venerated in HattuSa", but "the Sun-goddess of Arinna of the youth". 

134 One probable reason for this is the removal by Muwatalli of the royal residence from HattuSa to TarhuntaSSa. 
That there are few texts of king Urhi-Tesup is understandable, since he reigned only about five years. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



31 



those in which the gift is made only after a clearly stated condition, were recorded under Hattu§ili III in 
particular, with some under his son Tuthaliya IV 135 . 
A few important aids to the correct dating are 136 : 

1. the occurrence in a text of persons who can definitely be dated, albeit approximately; 

2. historical and geographical data which can pertain to a specific period of time 137 ; 

3. linguistic data 138 ; 

4. the ductus of the texts and the forms of the signs 139 . 

In addition the texts dealt with here yield assistance in the form of passages which point to a certain 
king or queen. The reason why a vow is made is also a useful indication. In the following, criteria 3 
and 4 are not taken into consideration. 



The chronological sequence of the texts dealt with is as follows: 

1. KBo 9.96 , possibly (+) KBo 8.63: This text dates from the time when, under king Muwatalli, 
Hattusili went on a military expedition to Amurru and Egypt and when he was king of Hakpi§(sa). The 
mention of the campaign against the countries of Amurru and Egypt removes any doubt on this point. 
Precisely who, however, promised to invoke Istar and perform other acts of respects, Muwatalli or 
HattuSili, is difficult to say. Depending on the interpretation of GIN-rz in line 7, the following 
translations are possible: 

a) "If you gods - on that military expedition on which I My Majesty go forth - lend me support and I 
conquer the country of Amurru ... then I will ... Ktar - Hepat, etc." 

b) "If you gods - on that military expedition on which His Majesty goes forth - lend me support ... 
etc." 

In a) GIN-77 would be written for the first person iyahhari which occurs only three times in Hittite 
texts 140 . Hence it is likely that GIN-n = iyattari (3rd. pers.), which often occurs. The translation is in 



' See Part One Chapter 6. 



A detailed treatment of the problems of dating and relevant data is to be found in: S. Heinhold-Krahmer et al., 
Probleme der Textdatiemng in der Hethitologie, TdH 9, 1979. 

137 For example the occurrence of Kuwa, Amurru, Egypt, TarhuntaSsa, etc. 

138 For example certain descriptions, the occurrence of glosswords and certain ideograms, grammatical 
peculiarities. For the problems involved in dating based on ideograms and gloss sign words, see inter alia 
C. Ktihne, "Bemerkungen zu kurzlich edierten hethitischen Texten", ZA 62, 1972, 236-261 (p. 239). 

139 This criterion is only effective for texts which were written in periods widely separated and/or were frequently 
copied. 

140 E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 62. Moreover a Sumerogram with a Hittite complement in the first person 
does not occur in any text whatsoever. 



32 



Part One 



that case b). One may then assume that the king makes the vow and the person is alternatively in the 
third and first form 141 . 

But we can also take the words spoken in the first person to be those of Hattusili who refers to his 
brother, king Muwatalli, as D UTU->S7. It is well enough known from the Apology of Hattusili that he 
led troops from the land Hatti on a campaign against Egypt 142 . 

Unlike what has hitherto been assumed it would now appear that, as second-in-command, Hattusili 
wishes to personally undertake the conquest of Amurru, which joined forces with Egypt shortly before 
the battle of KadeS 143 . This would accord excellently with the political ambitions of Hattusili, as 
evidenced by his remarkably amicable treatment of the deposed king of Amurru. Bentegina, after his 
capture 144 and his restoration to the throne immediately following on the death of Muwatalli shortly 
after that same campaign instead of Muwatalli 's protege Sapili. This interpretation is not, in my 
opinion, incompatible with the fact that, inter alia, the SauSgamuwa treaty states that Muwatalli 
defeated Amurru, since he was reigning monarch 145 . 

What in KBo 9.96 Hattuslli (or Muwatalli) did for or promised in Irqata 146 to I§tar of Nineveh is 
unfortunately not clear because of textual damage. There are no indications that here Istar ordered him 
in a dream to go to Lawazantiya and fetch Puduhepa 147 . In any case KBo 9.96 can be dated in the year 
before the battle of KadeS, or in the same year 1274 B.C. according to the latest chronological data 148 . 
There is nothing in the contents of the text which absolutely excludes KBo 8.63 from belonging to the 
same text. The god of Aru§[na] in column iv line 5' is also mentioned by Muwatalli in his prayer KBo 



This interpretation of the text was given by GS II, 213: "Auf welchem Feldzug Meine Majestat marschiert - 
wenn dann ihr Gotter mir beisteht und ich das land Amurru besiege, etc." 

142 Hatt. § 9 (in the translation of H. Often, Die Apologie Hattusilis III, StBoT 24, 1981, 17): "Als es aber geschah, 
wie mein Bruder gegen das Land Agypten zog, da ftihrte ich die (Fuss-)Truppen und Wagenkampfer dieser 
Lander (!), welche ich wieder besiedelt hatte, hinab zu meinem Bruder zum Feldzug gegen Agypten. Und welche 
(Fuss-)Truppen und Wagenkampfer vom Lande Hatti vor meinem Bruder in meiner Hand waren, die befehligte 
ich." 

143 GS II, 308 f. 

144 GS 11,310. 

145 KUB 23.1+ i 36 ff. (C. Kiihne/H. Often, Der Sausgamuwa-Vertrag, StBoT 16, 1971, 8 f.). Muwatalli is also 
connected with the victory over Amurru in KUB 21.17 i 16-17: A. Goetze, ANET 3 , 319 and A. Unal, Hattusili III, 
TdH 3, 80 ff. The country of Amurru is not mentioned in the Apology. 

146 This is the only occurrence of Irqata in Hittite texts (see GS III, 11 f. On p. 12 mention is erroneously made of 
[Ktar] of Irqata instead of [Htar] of Nineveh). 

147 KBo 6.29 i 16-17: Cf. H. Often, Puduhepa..., 11. 

148 J. Boese/G. Wilhelm, "ASsur-dan I., Ninurta-apil-Ekur und die mittelassyrische Chronologie", WZKM 71, 
1979, 19-38 and K.R. Veenhof, "Chronologie van het Oude Nabije Oosten", Phoenix 27, 1981, 15-34. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



33 



11.1 Rev. 13'. According to the criteria applied by H. Often (Puduhepa 1975, 13), namely that all texts 
mentioning Istar of Lawaz[antiya] probably date from the period after Hattusili succeeded to the throne, 
the only problem that arises is her mention here. 

Nevertheless, having regard to the comments of R. Lebrun on Lawazantiya 149 , I believe it possible 
that the goddess also occurs in a vow made by Hattusili before his succession to the throne. In my view 
evidence of KBo 8.63 also having been recorded by Hattusili is the formulation of 1-9711', where 
"you" means Muwatalli and "I" means Hattusili. It seems to me less plausible that this is a votive text 
of Puduhepa, as argued by A. final (TdH 6, 1978, 47) especially on the grounds of the occurrence of 
the god of Arusna. 

2. KUB 15.5+ : The second text which probably dates from the time when HattuSili was king of HakpiS, 
and hence can be dated under Muwatalli or Urhi-Tesup, is KUB 15.5+. The most salient features are 
the absence of any maid-, maltessar or KARABU 150 and, except for one 151 , of a MUNUS.LUGAL as in 
most votive texts. Hence the dreams here are exclusively of the king and his staff and have to be 
interpreted by Hepapiya. 

The personal names which occur both in this and other texts 152 also suggest a dating in the period 
Muwatalli to Hattusili III. Other factors of importance for dating are the mention of a journey to 
Araunna and the Gasga region, the fact that the Stormgod is angry with the king of the country of 
Hakpis and with the king of the country of Isuwa. The discontented grandmother of whom Arumura 
enquires could also help set the date. It is also remarkable, for that matter, that Hepapiya designates all 
gifts for DINGIR.GAL only. The occurrences of this god in other, possibly datable texts, should 
therefore be investigated. 

The fact that Danuhepa is mentioned in iii 4 ff. led F. Imparati to date this text to the reign of 
Mursili II, Muwatalli or Urhi-Tesiip 153 . If here the king of HakpiS is a reference to HattuSili 154 , the 
obvious dating is under Muwatalli or Urhi-Tesup 155 , since Danuhepa died during the reign of Urhi- 



R. Lebrun, "Lawazantiya, foyer religieux kizzuwatnien", in: Fs. E. Laroche, 1979, 197-206. 
The verb memo;'- is used in the sense of 'to pledge, to promise' in KUB 15.5+ iii 11. 

151 KUB 15.5+ iv 36' mentions gifts to the queen and to the oppressed (?) spirits of the dead. 

152 m AMAR MuSEN -ig, f Arumura, YD U-IR, m Ehli- D S/A f , m UR.MAH-ziti, 'Danuhepa. 

153 F. Imparati, "Una concessione...", RHA 32, 92. 

154 SBo II, 53. 

Thus, inter alia, SBo I, 15 f. +48 and E. Laroche, "Documents hi&oglyphiques hittites provenant du palais 
d'Ugarit", Ugar. Ill, 1956, 97-161 (p. 105). H.G. Giiterbock, "Notes on Luwian Studies", Or. 25, 1956, 114-140 



34 



Part One 



Tesup. Hence D UTU- 1 S7 would not, in any case, refer to Hattusili. We must remember, however, that 
Tuthaliya was also probably king of Hakpis 456 so that consequently D UTU-<$7 could refer to Hattusili. 
However, this would then be the only text in which Tuthaliya occurs as king of Hakpi§, which renders 
the identification less likely. 

Precisely who Danuhepa was, first or second spouse of Murslli or wife of Sarri-Kusuh, the brother 
of Murslli who became king of Karkemis, is less important for a dating than the fact that she was (?) 
removed 157 before Hattusili became king. There is no need whatsoever to proclaim applicable to KUB 
15.5 the observation of F. Sommer 158 that a king reigning at the time the text was recorded could 
designate himself ^TU -Si in a text that was set in a time when the person in question was not yet 
^XlTU-Sl 159 . In view of the fact, moreover, that there is not a single indication that Danuhepa appeared 
as dead to the king in a dream, warning the king against negligence because she considered inadequate 
the golden rhyton which the king had made for the Stormgod, only Muwatalli and Urhi-Tesup qualify 
as D UTU-<!>7 160 . Of these Urhi-Te§up is more likely, because Hattusili asks why the king has not given 
certain gifts to the Stormgod and because his attitude towards Urhi-Tesup is critical. The wrath of the 
Stormgod with Hattusili as king of Hakpis" and with the king of Isuwa 161 could be prompted by the 
behaviour of Hattusili 's father MurSili toward Danuhepa. Hattusili 's fear of this wrath appears from his 
last prayer to the Sun-goddess of Arinna 162 . 

Why the king of Isuwa (Ari-Sarruma?) also had to fear the wrath of the Stormgod is not known. 
The mention of two journeys, to Arawana 163 and Gasga territory, provides no direct assistance in 
attaining a more precise dating, because it would appear from ii 32'-36' that the reigning monarch 

(p. 136) speaks, however, possibly of the period of Puduhepa. Under Urhi-Tesup, Hattusili remained king of 
HakpiS. 

156 Cf. V.Haas, Der Kult von Nerik, 13 +2 (KUB 36.90 Obv. 15 ff.) and A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 137. 

157 Cf inter alia S.R. Bin-Nun, The Tawananna..., TdH 5, 169 f., 277-283 and A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 139 
ff. 

158 AU, 91 (in: A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 134). The postulation of F. Sommer pertains to KUB 21.17 where 
D UTU-& means Hattusili. 

159 A final, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 37 does. For that matter it is the king, not UR.MAH-ziti who dreams. 

160 I consider it highly unlikely that D UTU-,S7 in KUB 15.5 refers to different kings, as assumed by A. 
Kammenhuber (Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 27), i. e. Murslli II and Hattusili III. The expression "now that the 
Stormgod comes in heaven" could indicate a tuliya of the gods, an assembly where, inter alia, justice was meted 
out, as attested in a ritual of a campaign against the people of Gasga (E. von Schuler, Die Kaskder. Ein Beitrag 
zur Ethnographie des alten Kleinasiens, 1965, 170 f.). The term "encounter" (KAR) negligence can indicate a 
verdict of guilt, just as wemiya is also used in the Apology iii 18 for establishing witchcraft during a process (H. 
Often, DieApologie..., StBoT 24, 18 f.). 

161 KUB 15.5 ii 52' ff. 

162 KUB 21.19+. 

163 City in Gasga territory: RGTC 6, 29 f. Written Araunna in our text. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



35 



provided gifts for the journey and moreover directly after his succession Muwatalli appointed Hattusili 
commander of the army (EN KARAS) and governor of the northern part of the realm (KUR UGU) 
bordering on the Gasga territory 164 . Since Hattusili retained these offices under Urhi-Tesup, the 
inevitable assumption is that Hattusili led the military operations against Gasga under Muwatalli and 
Urhi-Tesup as ^TU-S/ 165 . However it seems also plausible to me that Muwatalli or Urhi-Tesup must 
give the gifts as the ultimately responsible king. 

The occurrence of UR.MAH-ziti in a dream of the king (ii 52' f.) could also argue for a dating 
under Urhi-Tesiip as king, because Hattusili appointed this son of the Stadtholder of Hattusa, 
Mittannamuwa, great scribe(?) during his illness when Urhi-Tesup was on the throne 166 . The other 
personal names, which also occur elsewhere, make no contribution to a more exact dating. The fact that 
Hepapiya, evidently an important woman in matters concerning dreams, occurs perhaps in only one(?) 
other text (KUB 52.15 iii 1'), although Hattusili was intensely involved with dreams, suggests that she 
could have disappeared from the scene with Urhi-Tesup(?), from whom she received her orders. 

It is difficult to explain iv 34' -39'. There mention is made of the father of the king from whom or 
for whom something is requested through a dream. Since, in any case, the father is dead (otherwise he 
would have been reigning monarch), is for whom the only possible translation. If D UTU-5/ refers to 
Muwatalli or Hattusili, the father is MurSili II. If Urhi-Tesup is the king, he is Muwatalli. 

Lines 36' ff. mention gifts from a queen and for the oppressed(?) spirits of the dead. In this context 
a natural assumption is that this queen is one of the dead, but this is in no way necessary. Who is thus 
designated? The last queen before Puduhepa was probably Danuhepa, who is still called 
MUNUS.LUGAL under Urhi-Tesup 167 . Hence she is really the only one who qualifies for 
consideration here as MUNUS.LUGAL, because Hattusili is not yet on the throne 168 . Why, in the same 
text, she is three times designated f Danuhepa (i 7, iii 4 and 9) and once MUNUS.LUGAL is difficult to 
explain. It is possible that in this text she appears in dreams as a living Danuhepa, but after her death 



\ Hatt. i 22-26. 

' Hattuslli's capture of Nerik took place under Urhi-Tesup,. for example: Hatt. iii 36' ff. 

s KBo 4.12 Obv. 29 f 

' S.R. Bin-Nun, The Tawananna..., TdH 5, 278 +211 . 

' A. Kammenhuber, Materialien zu einem hethitischen Thesaurus 1, 1973, 36 dates this passage under Hattusili 



36 



Part One 



(still during Urhi-Tesup's reign) was called MUNUS.LUGAL until Puduhepa became 
MUNUS.LUGAL 169 . 

The discontented grandmother who must be satisfied (i 12 f.) is Tawananna, wife of Suppiluliuma, 
if Muwatalli is the grandson; if Urhi-Tesup is the grandson, the reference is again to Danuhepa. The 
bad relationship between the last two could well explain the discontent of the grandmother mentioned 
in the text. Nothing is known about a bad relationship between Muwatalli and his grandmother - if she 
was still alive when Muwatalli was king. 

A last possibility for dating the text is the only god in it to whom gifts must be presented: DINGIR 
GAL = "the great god". According to H. M. Kiimmel 170 , this is always a designation for a specific, 
though unnamed divine figure. Of the five passages 171 in which "great" is not opposed to "minor", only 
KUB 21.38 Obv. 1 1 ' can be dated with certainty, because in it Puduhepa states that Urhi-Tesup gave to 
the great god what remained (of the palace?). The other two (published) passages pertain to aldanni 
oracles 172 , and only in KUB 22.28 is mention made of a real god 173 . In IBoT 1.33 the term "the great 
god" means a place where, or past which, the eel(?) swims, in the same way as mention is also made of 
"the good god", the life", "the gateway of the king", etc. The dating of these oracles is uncertain. Since 
mention is made of f Mizzulla in IBoT 1.33:83, E. Laroche 174 suggests the reign of MurSili II for this 
text, whereas A. Kammenhuber 175 ascribes the facts which could render a dating possible. The only 
certain piece of information provided by the above texts is that Urhi-Tesup presents gifts to the great 
god, which could also be the case in KUB 15. 5+, though with Hepapiya as intermediary. 

Taking all the above data into consideration, the most plausible dating of KUB 15.5+ is the reign 
ofUrhi-Tesup. 



169 My assumption here is that during a short period there need not necessarily have been a living 
MUNUS.LUGAL. I think it unlikely that Malnigal was MUNUS.LUGAL between Danuhepa and Puduhepa, 
because Hattusili would undoubtedly have mentioned her inevitable removal in his Apology or his prayers. For 
reasons set forth in PART One Chapter 9 on felushepa, I cannot subscribe to the argument of S.R. Bin-Nun, The 
Tawananna..., TdH 5, 170 that there could not have been two queens at the same time because then the latter 
would have been called DUMU.MUNUS GAL. 

170 H.M. Kummel, Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 3, 88 with passages in which DINGIR GAL occurs. 

171 KUB 58.79 iv 3, KUB 21.38 Obv. 11', KUB 22.38 i 1, KUB 56.30 Obv. 12', IBoT 1.33:67. 

172 See E. Laroche, "Lecanomancie hittite", RA 52, 1958, 150-162. 

173 (1) [...] ku-it DINGIR GAL TUKU.TUKU-u-on-za A-NA DINGIR-IiM [ku]-it (2) [m]e-iq-qa-us 1K-RI- 
5/.HI.A me-ma-an har-mi (3) na-at GAM-otj ar-ha GAR-ru . . . etc. (1) "[...] regarding the fact that the great god 
is angry: [be]cause I, (2) have expressed [m]any vows, (3) that can be disregarded (as cause for wrath)..., etc." 

174 E. Laroche, "Lecanomancie hittite", RA 52, 160. 

175 A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 251. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



37 



3. KUB 31.67 and 77: It is difficult to say whether the two texts discussed here, in which Puduhepa 
occurs as personal name and she is not designated as MUNUS.LUGAL, perhaps date from the time 
when Hattusili was, inter alia, king of Hakpig under Muwatalli and Urhi-Tesup. In my view the most 
feasible interpretation is that the MUNUS.LUGAL in both texts is indeed Puduhepa, but that her 
personal name is used when, for example, others speak of her 176 . H. Otten considers the identification 
of MUNUS.LUGAL in KUB 31.77 with Puduhepa a certainty, specifically because mention is made of 
the personal name Puduhepa 177 . 

4. The largest group of texts can be dated to the time when Hattusili was king and Puduhepa queen. 
Every time a vow is made in a text by the queen for the life or the health of the king we may assume 
that that text dates from the reign of this royal couple. It is true that we must not assume that Hattusili 
HI was the only king afflicted by a disease, but Hattusili is the only king alive by becoming a young 
priest in the service of Ktar. Hattusili certainly was partly responsible for Puduhepa regularly making 
vows to ensure the protection of Ktar. Although A. Unal believes that the illness which afflicted 
Hattusili in his youth lasted all his life ('keine schwerwiegende, wohl aber eine chronische"), which he 
considers more likely than that he suffered from a series of different ones 178 , the votive texts alone 
mention various diseased parts of the body. Once a vow is made for an unknown disease 179 . 

I think it highly probable that all these 'illness-vows' (including those made by unknown persons) 
concern Hattusili, just like the vows for the purpose of the life, or a long life of the king. The text in 
question are: KUB 15.1 (life of the king), KUB 15.3 (living many years and healing a disease of the 
foot), KUB 15.4 (life of the king), KUB 15.6 (disease of the eye), KUB 15.8 (probably life and eye- 
disease), KUB 15.9 (probably eye-disease), KUB 15.11 (life of the king), KUB 15.18 (disease of the 
right eye), KUB 15.19 (life of the king), KUB 15.22 (health and life of the king), KUB 15.23 (life of 
the king), KUB 15.24 (life of the king), KUB 15.30 (life of the king), KUB 31.69 (a disease?), IBoT 
3.123 (a disease), KBo 8.61 (eye-disease), KUB 48.119 (unknown disease causing blurred vision and 
illness of the right eye) 180 , KUB 48.121 (probably eye afflictions), KUB 48.125 (disease of the knee), 



' For example in KUB 31.67 iv 15'. 
' H. Otten, Puduhepa..., 14. 



A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 45 +37 . See also A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 138 ff. 

179 KUB 48.1 19 Obv. 3'. 

180 Also for other, internal reasons this text can be ascribed to Hattusili and Puduhepa. As explained by G.F. del 
Monte, "Utruna...", Or. Ant. 17, 189 ff., the events of the text took place in the period when the Stormgod of 
Nerik was still being venerated in Utruna and Sahurunuwa was still alive (he died at the beginning of the reign of 



38 



Part One 



KUB 48.123 (disease of auli, ill-health, fever), Liv. 49-47-42 (life and health). Presumably the 
following texts may be ascribed to Puduhepa and/or Hattusili: KUB 15.10 (dream of the queen), KUB 
15.12 (dreams of the queen in Katapa; the Rev. of the tablet contains a protocol-like text strongly 
resembling KUB 31.67, 69, 71 and 77), KUB 15.15 (statue of "the queen, Istar, my lady"), KUB 15.21 
(mention of the city of Hatenzuwa captured by the twelve-year-old Tuthaliya for HattuSili), KUB 
15.28+ (the same aw/i-disease in Zithara as in KUB 48.123), KUB 15.29 (queen makes a vow to Hepat 
of Kummanni, mention made of Sausgaziti), VBoT 75 (vow made by the queen to the Stormgod and 
Hepat), KUB 48.118 (strange dream of the queen in Ussa with mention of UR.MAH-ziti as chief 
scribe), KUB 48.126 (dreams of the queen on behalf of the king and vow made to Ktar of Samuha). 

For various reasons the following texts cannot be dated: KUB 15.7 (too few data), KUB 15.13 
(idem), KUB 15.14 (idem), KUB 15.20 (HattuSili or earlier; in any case as early signs or words: KIS, 
IDI, meman), KUB 15.25 (too few data), KUB 15.26 (possibly attributable to Puduhepa/Hattu§ili 
because IStar of Lawazantiya is mentioned), KUB 15.27 (too few data; only clue pointing to reign of 
Hattusili the personal name Tuttu as supervisor of material?), HT 33 (only clue Sausgaziti), KBo 3.51 
(too few data), KBo 8.62 (idem), KBo 13.72 (vow made by a king to the mountain Tapasunawa = 
hapax, on behalf of a military expedition: not an oracle text as stated in the publication), KBo 13.80 
(too few data), KUB 48.117 (inventory of persons donated as donation to temple?), KUB 48.120 
(dream of Danuhepa), KUB 48.124 (dreams of diverse persons. The mention of the god Zawalli and 
city of ASsur is not enough to make a dating possible, nor are the personal names). 

6. The concept maltessar in connexion with the dating of votive texts 

It would seem likely that the meaning of malduwar and maltessar shifted from "offering", "ritual", to 
"vow". Malduwar is translated as "propiatory offering" in the passage from KUB 5.6 mentioned in 
PART One Chapter 1, but in fact it is the verbal substantive or "infinitif d'action" of maid- = "the 
promising of an offering", "the making of a vow" as opposed to matessar = "the offering", "the vow". 



Tuthaliya IV), hence under Hattusili III. From KUB 48.1 19 it appears that the statue of the Stormgod was about 
to be brought back home from Utruna to Nerik. This proves that under Hattusili the veneration of the Stormgod 
of Nerik took place again in Nerik, as did the celebration of the purulli festival. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



39 



In any case maltessar occurs in the Old Hittite ritual texts nos. 109, 110, 111 (CTH 733) and 117, 
119 as "ritual" in a set formula that follows the invocation of the gods. 

That, as F. Starke remarks 182 , maltessar can be replaced in this formula by AW ATUM {= "word", 
"matter") could be an indication that the original meaning of maltessar was "ritual accompanied by an 
invocation", derived from the verb maid- (without -za) in the sense of "proclaim in public", "to recite", 
"to speak" or "to pronounce a prayer" 183 . Hence in all texts that are not New Hittite, maid- must be thus 
translated 1 4 . In early texts occur alternating forms of maid- (+ -za) and KARABU and of maltessar 
alongside of IKRJBU^ "vow" and "promised object" 185 , but not AWATUM. 

Evidence that in the fourteenth century in any case maltessar still means "ritual", "offering", is to be 
found in the identification SISKUR.SISKUR.HI.A-ai (KUB 17.21 i 19 (CTH 375), prayer of 
Amuwanda and Asmunikal) and maltesnas in dupl. 398/u+:5 186 . The colophon of the cult text KUB 
28.80 (CTH 737), column iv lines 8 and 10, also clearly has maltessar = "offering", "offering ritual": 
"(8) ... and this offering ritual was introduced (9) for them and it is (11) not made the same as/made 
identical to (10) the former offering rituals 187 ". C. Kuhne/H. Often date this text between Suppiluliuma 
I and the end of the thirteenth century. The fact that, as well as maltessar, mukessar (a certain ritual 
ceremony), can also alternate with SISKUR.SISKUR can be disregarded here 188 . As long as it is 
impossible to date with precision all the texts in which maid- and its derivatives occur and in which 



Cited fromE. Neu, Althethitische Ritualtexte in Umschrift, StBoT 25, 1980, 183-189 and 198-201. 

1 82 F. Starke, Die Funktionen . . . , StBoT 23 , 1 1 1 . 

183 Cf. H.A. Hoffher, "Studies of the Hittite particles I", JAOS 93, 1973, 520-526 (p. 521). 

As in the Anitta-text, line 59 maltahhun nu huwartahhun "I pronounced a prayer (I made a solemn statement) 
and I pronounced a curse", with H. Otten, "Zu den Anfangen der hethitischen Geschichte", MDOG 83, 1951, 33- 
45 (p. 43), and not "I pronounced a vow", as in E. Neu, Der Anitta-Text, StBoT 18, 1974, 15. Priere hittite, 10 
also interprets maid- in the first sense: "On doit s'imaginer une inauguration solennelle suivie d'imprecation, 
dans le style banal des fondations de sanctuaires hittites". The comment of F. Starke, "Halmasuit...", 7A 69, 
79 , that the content of the vow in this Anitta passage could perhaps be compared with IBoT 1.30 
(A. Kammenhuber, "Die hethitische Vorstellungen von Seele und Leib, Herz und Leibesinnerem, Kopf und 
Person II", ZA 57, 1965, 177-222 (p. 195)) in which "the IM.ME priest speaks a vow for the king (maldi)", must 
likewise be revised on this point. In IBoT 1.30 there is no question of a vow, the priest expresses a prayer for a 
happy administration of the country. The Old Hittite texts in which maid- occurs (always in the third person 
singular) are: nos. 25, 59, 112, 113, 120, 121 and 129 (cited after E. Neu, Althethitische Ritualtexte..., StBoT 25). 

185 Cf. E. Laroche, "Le voeu de Puduhepa", RA 43, 66. 

186 E. von Schuler, Die Kaskder..., 152. 

187 (8) ... nu-kdn ki-i ma-al-[te-es\-sar (9) a-pe-e-da-as da-a-e-er na-a[t-ka]n? (10) ka-ru-i-li-as ma-al-te-es-na- 
as (11) na-at-ta ha-an-da-a-a\n\. Text of C. Kilhne/H.Otten, Der Sausgamuwa..., StBoT 16, 27. 

m Priere hittite, 21. 



40 



Part One 



there is certainty about a vow being made, it would seem difficult to say definitely when making vows 
became a custom with the Hittites. 

According to H. Otten/V. Soucek, the votive texts would seem to be restricted to the reigns of 
Muwatalli and Hattusili III 189 . In 1962, however, H. Often mentioned a tablet found in 1952 containing 
a vow made by Tuthaliya IV who promised gifts to diverse gods if he should conquer the king of ASsur, 
Tukulti-Ninurta 190 . A. Kammenhuber contends that it was Puduhepa who brought the custom of 
making vows from Kizzuwatna to Hattusa and thus by promising gifts to the gods "bought their 
indulgence and covered a certain amount of injustice in a rather cheap manner 191 ". This would imply 
that maid- etc. cannot mean "to make a vow" prior to Puduhepa. 

The abovementioned description of a festival KUB 27.1+ (CTH 712) merits further study in this 
connexion. In it HattuSili III describes, partially altered to a festival in honour of his own tutelary 
goddess, Istar of the field of Samuha, a festival which his father Mursili II used to celebrate in honour 
of his tutelary goddess on campaigns, ISTAR LIL walliwalli, "the mighty Ktar of the field" 192 . "Mursili 
had acted thus: for the campaigns which the king undertook in the years since the goddess was last 
venerated, for all those campaigns oracular inquiries were made about the ambassi and keldi offerings 
and about the maltessar. As was determined by the oracle, thus did he make the ambassi and keldi 
offerings. Thereafter he ordered pure raw meat to be set down for the deity 193 ." This text would seem to 
support the conclusion that here maltessar means the meat-offering and that an offering of thanks for 
former campaigns was made. 

Maltessar occurs a further three times in this text: in line 24 ff. Hattusili states that, in the year he 
goes on campaign he makes an ambassi offering, a keldi offering and a maltessar to IStar of the field of 
Samuha, as determined by oracle. There is no offering whatsoever for the past years in which he did 
not go on campaign. In lines 29-31 is stated that for "the mighty Istar of the field of Mursili" there is an 
ambassi and a keldi offering after an oracle pronouncement but no maltessar. Finally, in lines 31-34 it 



189 H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Gelubde... , StBoT 1, 1 +3 . This dating is taken from Dreams, 193. It pertained only to 
KUB 15.1 to 30. 

190 I.e. tablet KBo 33.216, described in H. Otten, "Die Textfunde der Campagnen 1958 und 1959", MDOG 93, 
1962, 75-77. Cf. A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 34. The vow in KUB 15.23 which she ascribes to 
Tuthaliya must be a vow made by Puduhepa for the young general Tuthaliya, under king HattuSili III. 

191 A. Kammenhuber, review of H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Gelubde... (StBoT 1), ZA 60, 1970, 221-223 (p. 222). 
Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 25. E. Laroche has not commented on the dating of the other votive texts in "Le vceu de 
Puduhepa", RA 43, 55-78. 

192 Cf. R. Lebrun, Samuha. . ., 75 ff. and I. Wegner, Gestalt undKult der Istar-Sawuska in Kleinasien, AOAT 36, 
1981, 119 ff. 

193 Free paraphrase of lines 6-16. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



41 



is stated that there is no ambassi offering, no keldi offering and also no maltessar for IStar of the field 
of Samuha in the year in which the king does not go on campaign. 

If conclusions may be drawn from this text, they are the following: 

1 . The maltessar offering, like the two other offerings, is made only in the year in which the king 
goes on campaign. 

2. Here a maltessar is given afterwards, after the campaigns, and hence cannot mean "vow" 194 , but 
rather an offering of thanks. The festival in question was probably celebrated in the autumn or winter, 
even so many years. 

3. The old goddess of MurSili, the mighty Istar of the field, does not receive a maltessar, though 
she does receive the other two offerings. The reason for this can only be surmised. Is it because the old 
goddess does not have to support HattuSili on his future campaigns? In this specific case has maltessar 
something to do with that? 

4. Evidently maltessar still designates a sort of offering during (the early years of?) the reign of 
Hattusili III. 

The dating of the votive texts was dealt with in greater detail in the last chapter. Here it must be 
emphasized that, of the only two texts dealt with which date from before the reign of Hattusili 
III/Puduhepa, namely KUB 15.5+ and KBo 9.96, the former contains no vows with the characteristic 
noted above, but rather explanation of dreams and the latter is a vow made by HattuSili on behalf of a 
campaign against Egypt led by his brother, king Muwatalli. Both texts date from the period when 
HattuSili was king of Hakpis and Urhi-Tesup and Muwatalli respectively were on the Hittite throne. 
Hence there would seem to be convincing ground for the conclusion that Hattusili introduced the 
custom of making vows in the narrower sense of the term and that the vow evolved out of an offering 
of thanks made on the conclusion of a campaign. 



R. Lebrun, Samuha... consistently translates maltessar as 'vceu'. I. Wegner, Gestalt..., AOAT 36 leaves it 
untranslated. Priere hittite, 13 is undecided about the character of maltessar here "... mais la nature de maltessar 
reste problematique". 



42 



Part One 
7. Weights and measures of the promised objects 



The aim of this discussion on the weights and measures of the promised objects is to investigate 
whether there was a fixed standard for the weight (and/or dimensions) of the various objects related to 
the donor and the purpose of the gift. It must be borne in mind that offerings are also mentioned in the 
prayers and that the same applies to them as to the promised objects. As genre, the prayers are not 
mentioned again. In the first place it is striking that the votive texts nowhere mention the dimensions of 
objects, whereas this repeatedly occurs in the cult-inventory texts (inter alia in the so-called 
Bildbeschreibungeri), especially in the case of statues of gods and people. 

Vice versa, weights are seldom given in the cult-inventory texts 195 , whereas in the votive texts 
regularly mention is made of the weight of the metal of which the object is made or is to be made. In 
most texts, however, the donor mentions neither dimensions nor weight. 



There are three categories of descriptions of objects: 

1. dimensions, but no weight (cult-inventory texts); 

2. weight but no dimensions (votive texts); 

3. neither weight nor dimensions (both genres of texts). 

This fact could perhaps be explained as follows. The cult-inventory texts deal with objects already used 
in the cult and as such can be measured: the weight, which is mainly an indication of the value of the 
object, is not an important factor in its identification. The main factor in the second category is the 
amount of metal; the weight determines the value of the offering. The third category comprises 
offerings promised in the votive text by someone who does not wish to specify the size of his donation. 
It is remarkable that only twice does the person making the vow state explicity: "I will determine 
the weight thereof according to my own judgment (KI.LA.BI Zl-za dahhi); that in fifteen instances the 
object promised is qualified as being of unspecified weight" (KI.LA.BI NU.GAL) and that 56 offerings 
are not further specified. 



195 The following dimensions occur: 1 iron bull with support (cult-stand?): 2 sekans (1 sekan is ca. 50 cm.); statue 
of a man: 1 1/2 sekans,; 1 statue of a man, ... 1 sekan; 1 statue of a woman ... 1 sekan. This is probably why 
L. Rost's tabulated survey in "Zu den hethitischen Bildbeschreibungen II. Teil", MO 9, 1963, 175-239 classifies 
the materials and the dimensions but not the weights. Objects with a specified weight are, inter aha, 2 waksur 
casks of silver, their weight is 2 minas of silver, 1 GE&PU (fist) of silver of 20 Sekels and 1 silver goblet of 8 
Sekels. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



43 



On closer perusal of the second category (only the weight of the objects is given), it appears that the 
weights given for gold or silver objects in out texts are 3, 6, 10, 16, 20 sekels and 1, 2 and 100 minas 196 . 
1 mina equals 40 sekels 197 . The actual weight of a Hittite mina is not known. If we assume its weight to 
be the same as that of the Babylonian mina, i. e. ca. 470 grammes 198 , then 1 sekel would weight 1 1.75 

199 

grammes . 

Can a correlation be established between the size of the promised object and the assistance 
requested of the god? Naturally one's first assumption tends to be that the greater the need for divine 
assistance (therefore the greater the urgency), the greater will be the value of the promised object. This 
prompted H. Otten's 200 conclusion that the &am/«ara-eye-disease of the king (nowadays 'cataract') 
could not have been a serious illness because of the slight value of the promised 1 fat ox and 4 sheep in 
Bo 2002a (= KUB 48.1 19). A. Kammenhuber believes that Puduhepa's promises made in dreams were 
a rather cheap way of buying the indulgence of the gods 201 . Such an opinion perhaps underrates the 
possibility that, as daughter of a priest, Puduhepa was guided by a deep religious feeling and was not 
mainly concerned with the cheapest solution. Apart from that, it is difficult to determine what is of 
little or great value to a person at a certain moment. Are there any text passages which attest that vows 



196 2 and 100 minas probably pertain only to silver objects. The 44 and 144 Sekels of silver which are promised as 
purely amounts of metal in KUB 15.5+ iv 36' and 37' are not taken into consideration. 

97 See H. Often, "Zum hethitischen Gewichtssystem", AfO 17, 1954-56, 128, 131 and Th.P.J. van den Hout, RIA 
sub Masse. An instructive passage in this connexion is KBo 17.74+ i 48 f. (Old Hittite: E. Neu, Ein 
althethitisches Gewittetritual, StBoT 12, 1970, 16 f), where 5 minas of silver are given to 20 bearers of bronze 
spears with as a result 10 Sekels of silver for each. We also know the correlation between the weights, because the 
Laws mention halved fines and their former amounts. For example a fine of 30 minas is reduced to 1 mina and 20 
sekels. In KUB 30.15 Obv. 3 the reading "a half mina and 20" probably cannot mean 20 Sekels (Cf. HTR, 66 and 
142). L. Christmann-Franck, "Le rituel des mnerailles royales hittites", RHA 29, 1971, 61-111 (p. 65) does give 
as translation: "Une fiole d'argent d'une demi-mine et vingt sides. . .". 

The absolute weight of a Babylonian mina had once more been confirmed by the finding of a stone weight 
bearing the inscription "1 mina" and having a true weight of ca. 473 grammes (see T.A. Holland, "An inscribed 
weight from Tell Sweyhat", Iraq 37, 1975, 75-76). 

199 See M. Dietrich/O. Loretz, "Der Vertrag zwischen Suppiluliuma und Niqmandu. Eine philologische und 
kulturhistorische Studie", WdO 3, 1964-66, 206-245 (219 ff.). H. Often assumes that the Babylonian and the 
Hittite Sekels were of the same weight, since in Babylon there were 60 Sekels in 1 mina and the weight of the 
Sekel is taken to have been 8.4 grammes (why not 470./. 60 = 7.8 grammes?) he arrives at a weight of 40 x 8.4 = 
336 grammes for 1 mina, practically the same as the weight of 1 mina in KarkemiS. E. Edel gives the Egyptian 
Sekel 9 grammes: E. Edel, "Zwei Originalbriefe der Konigsmutter Tuja in Keilschrift", SAK 1, 1974, 83-104 (p 
114 8 ). 

200 H. Often, Die Uberlieferungen des Telipinu-Mythus, MVAeG 46-1, 1942, 41. 

A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 25. Likewise on p. 27 f. Puduhepa is accused of trying to bribe the 
gods with vota, unlike MurSili II who looked on the oracles as an objective means of learning the truth from the 
gods. 



44 



Part One 



have been fulfilled in too cheap a manner and that consequently the god (or another being) admonishes 
the donor in a dream to give a more valuable offering, as remarked by A. Kammenhuber 202 ? It does 
indeed (repeatedly) happen that the vow is not fulfilled or that what is promised is found to be 
inadequate 203 . 

In a great many of the vows, no direct correlation can be established between the seriousness of the 
situation and the size of the promised object, while the type of object correlates to the goal aimed at to 
only a limited degree. Examples of text passages in which a large offering (in our eyes) is promised for 
something weighty 204 are: 

KUB 15.1 i 1-11: a golden statue with a golden rosette for the life of the king and protection 
against evil. 

KUB 15.1 iii 32-38: a golden statue of Istar and silver weapons for the life of the king 205 . 

KUB 15.23 Rev. 17 '-21': the invocation of the god and a [golden] image of the king for the king 
continuing to live for many years. 

KUB 15.24 i 1-6: a halentuwa house and a gateway 206 for the life (of the king?). 

KUB 15.28+ ii 6'-10': silver images of the king and the queen if they both continue to live. 

The god's reward would seem relatively small in the following instances: three storage vessels (with 
oil, honey and fruit) if the king lives one hundred years (KUB 15.1 iii 7'-16') and a (silver?) shield and 
a silver gateway if the enemy does not penetrate into Hatti, if the matter of the king's dying goes no 
further and if the inhabitants of the countries of Hatti, the court and the king shall remain healthy(?) 
(KUB 15.22:1'-H'). But in this case perhaps all the goddess needed to do was to hold aloft her shield 
to provide protection against evil influences, so that a whole list of evils could be averted by one act. 



202 A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 25 f.: "Solche Vota werden, wenn sie noch nicht oder nur in 
ungentigender oder zu billiger Weise erfullt sind, in den Traumen angemahnt". 

203 An example of the latter is KUB 15.5+ iii 9 where Damihepa points out to the king in a dream that the golden 
rhyton which the king commissioned for the Stormgod in order to propitiate him was not adequate. Damihepa 
says to the king: "Take care that, now the Stormgod will come into heaven, he finds no negligence in you!" From 
the oracle text KUB 22.70, too, it appears that a queen deposited golden necklaces, requested by the god of 
Arusna in a dream, in the house of an official and in their stead had two less valuable silver ornaments made 
(Obv. 13-15). The dating of this text is not, however, absolutely certain: it dates either from the reign of Mursili II 
or the reign of Tuthaliya IV - Puduhepa. 

204 If the task of a god could ever be qualified as light or heavy! 

205 But 1 pair of golden woman breasts is promised for the life of the king in KUB 15.1 1 ii 1/4! 

206 Provided, at least, that small models are not intended. In a number of cases the objects could be life-sized and 
in others valuable small models made of solid gold or silver. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



45 



Sometimes there is an obvious correlation between the promised object and the desired goal: a 
shield for averting evil 207 , an ear for listening to the person making the vow 208 , a silver city if the city of 
Ankuwa is preserved 209 , a golden soul for the life of the king 210 , etc. In most cases there is no direct 
correlation the offering simply consists of an action or an object that will please the god. Our 
assessment of the value of what is promised is also often hindered by the lack of any specification of 
the material (sometimes because of textual damage) and of the weight. Moreover we cannot tell how 
the value of the objects relates to the property of the person making the vow. 

The weights given for objects in the votive texts: 

3 sekels : A golden soul 211 and a golden earpendant 212 of this weight are promised. They probably 

weigh 35 grammes. 

6 sekels: 1 pair of silver eyes 213 , ca. 70 grammes altogether. 

10 sekels: 1 silver soul 214 , 1 golden ear 215 and two other objects unidentifiable because of textual 

damage 216 . They weigh ca. 117 grammes. 

16 sekels: 1 golden solar disc 217 , ca. 188 grammes. 

20 Sekels: 1 golden soul 218 , 1 silver statue of a lion 219 , 1 golden Istar 220 . Ca. 235 grammes. 

1 mina : 1 silver ear 221 , 1 golden soul 222 , 1 silver statue of a lion 223 , 1 silver rhyton 224 , 1 silver Istar 225 . Ca. 
470 grammes. 

2 minas: 1 pair of silver eyes 226 . Ca. 940 grammes. 



207 KUB 

208 KUB 

209 KUB 

210 KUB 

211 KUB 

212 KUB 

213 KUB 

214 KUB 

215 KUB 

216 KUB 

217 KUB 

218 KUB 

219 KUB 

220 KUB 

221 KUB 

222 KUB 

223 KBo 

224 KBo 

225 KUB 



15.1 ii 13-24 and KUB 15.22:1'-11' 
15.1 ii 25-27, 28-36 and iv 18-22. 
15.1 iii 17-26 and 27-31. 
15.19 Obv. 3'-5'. 

15.8 i 6'. 

15.9 iii 8'. 
15.8 i 7'. 

15.1iil2andKUB15.1iii3. 
15.1 ii 17 and KUB 15.9 iii 7'. 
15.5 iv 15 and KUB 15.7:8'. 
15.5 iv 5. 
15.19 Obv. 13. 
48.126:22'. 
48.123 i 18. 
15.1 ii 27. 
15.19 Obv. 5'. 

8.61:3'. 
8.63 i T. 
48.123 i 18. 



46 



Part One 



100 minas: 1 statue of the king 227 , two objects unidentifiable because of textual damage . Ca. 41 
kilogrammes. 

On the whole, royal diplomatic gifts to foreign princes are considerably heavier than the object 
promised to the gods 229 . For instance Suppiluliuma I sent a stag rhyton of 5 minas of silver and a ram 
rhyton of 3 minas of silver to Akhenaten on the occasion of his accession to the throne 230 . Vice versa, 
the Egyptian crown prince Sutahapsap sent Hattusili III a golden goblet of first quality gold with 
incrustation, embossed with the face of a bull with horns of white stone and eyes of black stone. The 
weight of first quality gold, which was worth almost twice as much as ordinary gold 231 , was 93 sekels, 
ca. 846 grammes 232 . 

Ramses II also sent precious gifts to Hittite connexions: according to KBo 28.44 a Hittite prince 
received a goblet of 49 sekels of first quality gold and according to KBo 28.4+ a high-ranking Hittite 
official received a goblet of 48 sekels of first quality gold, hence approximately half of the weight of 
the gold received by the king 233 . A necklace of 88 sekels of first quality gold was sent to Puduhepa by 
the Egyptian queen Naptera, which was, as E. Edel remarks "fur eine Halskette gewiss ein stattlicher 
Betrag 234 ". 



In conclusion, the most salient point is that in the votive texts a certain object is not characterised by a 
fixed weight. For instance a golden soul varies from 3 Sekels to 1 mina. A comparison between the 
weights with those of Hittite objects which have been published and of which the weight and 
dimensions are mentioned in the literature, could perhaps help us to estimate the size of the promised 
objects. Unfortunately both weights and measures are mentioned only in the catalogue of the Schimmel 



226 KBo 8.61:7'. 

227 KUB 15.9 iii 2'. 

228 KUB 15.9 iii 4' and KUB 15.29 i 3'. 

229 These brief comments on royal gifts are only meant to give some idea of the weights involved. 

230 EA 41. See H. Ehelolf, "Kleine Beitrage", ZA 5, 1939, 70-75 (p. 71). 

231 E. Edel, "Der Brief des agyptischen Wesirs PaSijara an den Hethiterkonig Hattusili und verwandte 
Keilschriftbriefe", Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen I. Phil. Hist. Kl. Jahrg. 1978 Nr. 4, 
119-159 (p. 129). 

232 E. Edel, "Der Brief des agyptischen...", 133. For the weight of an Egyptian Sekel, see E. Edel, "Der Brief des 
agyptischen...", 128 4 . 

233 E. Edel, "Der Brief des agyptischen...", 135 +I . 

234 E. Edel, "Der Brief des agyptischen. . .", 143. According to E. Edel "Der Brief des agyptischen. . .", 128, the 
weight of gifts sent elsewhere was mentioned to prevent replacement by gifts of inferior quality during transport. 
It is clearly manifest from all transportations that Anatolia had more silver than gold, Egypt more gold than silver. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



47 



collection . The famous silver stag rhyton (Sch. no. 123) is 17 x 18 cm and weighs 322.5 grammes = 
ca. 28 sekels 236 . The silver rhyton of 1 mina in KBo 8.63 i 7', where the animal is not mentioned, is 
therefore heavier by 12 sekels. The golden statuette of a sitting goddess (Sch. no. 125) is 4.3 cm high 
and weighs only 23.2 grammes = 2 sekels, and Sch. no. 131, a silver sitting goddess weighs 21.9 
grammes = also roughly 2 sekels. The aforesaid statues of Istar, a golden one of 20 Sekels and a silver 
one of 1 mina, therefore must have been very much larger and/or more solid. Sch. no 129, a golden 
solar disc, weighs 9.3 grammes = ca. 1 sekel. Here again the comparable object of 16 sekels (KUB 
15.5+ iv 5) promised in the texts must have been a great deal heavier 237 . 

The other objects in the Schimmel collection which could possibly be used for the purpose of 
comparison are not mentioned with their weight in the votive texts, hence no comparison is possible. 
Although the number of significant objects is very small, one might circumspectly infer in consequence 
of an official vow made by a king or queen. They could well have been given by lower-ranking 
officials or private individuals, though we have no attestations for this 238 . Sometimes there occurs in 
the Bildbeschreibungen an ALAM TUR = "statuette", with no specification of weight 239 . A silver 
goblet of 8 sekels 240 and a fist (GE§PU) of 20 sekels 241 can hardly be reckoned lighter offerings and 
moreover, the goblet was an offering of a king Mursili 242 to the Stormgod of Lihzina. 



O. White Muscarella (ed.), Ancient Art, The Norbert Schimmel Collection, 1974. The items from this 
collection are designated as "Sch. no. . . .". 

236 Hence the silver stag rhyton mentioned previously as a gift of Suppiluliuma I was more than six times heavier. 

237 In Hittite texts the weight of a solar disc varies from 1 Sekel to 5 mina: F. Sommer, "Aus Hans Ehelolf s 
Nachlass", ZA 46, 1940, 5-52 (p. 33). 

238 One of the rare occasions when a rhyton plus its weight is mentioned in festival descriptions is KUB 31.76 
Rev. 14' and 18' where mention is made respectively of silver neck of an ox of 20 Sekels and a silver oxen rhyton 
of 1 mina (see O. Carruba, "Rhyta...", Kadmos 6, 92). Silver objects plus their weights are also mentioned in 
royal funerary rituals (HTR, 34, 66 and 68; H. Otten, "Eine Lieferungsliste zum Totenritual der hethitischen 
Konige", WdO 2, 1959, 477-479; L. Christmann-Franck, "Le rituel des funerailles...", RHA 29, 65, 67, 76), for 
example a silver boar's snout of 10 Sekels, a silver well or basin of 10 Sekels, a lamp of [?] Sekels and a silver axe 
of 20 Sekels. In each case, with the exception of the axe, all objects can be filled with water or oil, therefore the 
weight was possibly used as an indicator of capacity. Similarly, the functional indication of the weight of an axe 
is understandable. In any case the valuable objects were not intended as burial gifts: the said objects must, 
however, be classified among the minutely prescribed cult objects and consequently do not fit into the category in 
question here. 

239 KUB 38.1 1 Obv. 5 and KUB 38.1 iv 3' f., inter alia. 

240 KUB 38.3 i 4. 

241 As present for Zababa in KUB 38.1 i 5. At the 27 th Rencontre Internationale d'Assyriologie in 1980, 
H.G. Guterbock displayed a silver vase shaped like a fist which is now deposited in a museum in Boston. 

242 Since the object could have been in the temple for some time and the text which mentions the offering (KUB 
38.3 i 5) can probably be dated later than the last Mursili (III), it is difficult to determine which Mursili was the 
donor. 



48 



Part One 



The only really light objects mentioned in the texts are the golden lion of 1 sekel, iron bulls each of 
1 Sekel, a silver hearth of 1 sekel, etc., which were foundation-offerings 243 . The few, golden statuettes 
of gods found in various places are of a size comparable to those of the Schimmel collection 244 . 
Consequently all the objects were relatively small, were perhaps designated ALAM TUR and were 
probably small portable copies of the large statues of the gods. 

On the grounds of the whole body of the votive texts, no definite standard can be established for 
the weight of an offering in correlation to the donor and the purpose of the donation. 

8. Votive texts elsewhere in the ancient Near East 
A. Mesopotamia 

In discussing vows elsewhere in the Near East a distinction must be drawn between texts describing the 
giving of (votive) offerings and texts in which, in a conditional or temporal clause, a clear condition is 
laid down in a prayer or elsewhere on which the offering will be made. It is only with the latter 
category that the Hittite votive texts can be cognate 245 . 

Sumerian texts: 



In Sumerian texts, apart from votive texts, the giving of an offering with a description of its purpose 
does not occur. Perhaps this is because the Sumerian type of prayer (§UD, SISKUR and NAM.SlTA) 
is more an expression of adoration and reverence than a direct request for a favour, as can occur in the 
Akkadian prayers 246 . The Sumerian SISKUR, for example, implies an offering which accompanies a 
spoken homage. 



243 KUB 2.2 ii 7 ff. Translation in A. Goetze, ANET 3 , 356. It is remarkable that all the objects mentioned there 
together with their weight weigh 1 sekel. 

244 Statuettes from inter alia KarkemiS, Bogazkoy, Yozgat and Ciftlik, in: E. Akurgal-M. Hirmer, Die Kunst der 
Hethiter, 1961, illus. 53 and K. Bittel, Die Hethiter, 1976, illus. 167, 168, 179 and 171. 

245 Consequently the discussion disregards votive inscriptions such as those translated and published by 
E. Sollberger and J.R. Kupper, Inscriptions royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes, 1971. 

246 See CAD I/J, 66: IKRIBU= 1) blessing; 2) money or objects promised to a god in a vow; 3) prayer. Only the 
third connotation has Sumerian equivalents. The first two are therefore manifestly of Akkadian origin. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



49 



Old Babylonian texts: 

Old Babylonian texts 247 contain vows made by persons who promise to give (back) to the god in 
question precious metals or objects and some of them have the formula (or a comparable one 248 ): INA 
(INUMA) BALTU U SALMU, up to now translated as "when he is in full health" 249 or "when he is 
completely healthy and physically able" 250 . The oldest text of this sort dates from the first year of 
Samsuiluna (1749 B.C.) 251 . 

P. Koschaker interprets these texts as vows 252 containing the promise of a gift or a sum of 'money' 
if the party in question is healed of his illness through the agency of the god. If the sum of money is 
characterised as a loan granted by the god which must be paid back, then according to Koschaker the 
loan is a fictitious one to which a row is coupled. In the same year that Koschaker put forward this 
interpretation, B. Landsberger opposed the view that vows were involved. He posited that it was more 
likely that the temple actually paid the debts of a subject in need in order to prevent the loss of his 
property and independence and that the debt could be paid back if the subject once more became 
solvent. In 1960, R. Harris argued, like P. Koschaker, but on the grounds of many other so-called 
SALMU BALTU texts published in the meantime, that the loans in these texts are not real loans of gold 
(which Harris says was not lent by a god), silver or grain. A different transaction takes place: a vow is 
made, but it is coupled to a condition which the god must fulfill in order to receive 'the amount owing'. 

According to Harris the basis of all vows is a loan which is paid back along with an extra gift made 
by the person who is sick, lacks support of the god or is harrassed by other problems. She bases this 
conclusion partly on texts in which the debt that must be paid to the god includes objects of precious 



This genre was first treated by V. Scheil, "La promesse dans la priere babylonienne", RA 12, 1915, 65-72 and 
by the same author in "Offrandes et prets religieux. L'expression ina baltu u salmu", RA 13, 1916, 128-132. See 
also B. Landsberger, "Solidarhaftung von Schuldern in der babylonisch-assyrischen Urkunden", ZA 35, 1923, 22- 
36 (p. 33 ff.). 

248 For the various formulas see R. Harris, "Old Babylonian Temple Loans", JCS 14, 1960, 126-137 (p. 134). 

249 CAD B, 68 (cf. Dutch: "Bij leven en welzijn"). 

250 As in B. Landsberger, "Solidarhaftung...", ZA 35, 26 f. and R. Harris, "Old Babylonian...", JCS 14, 134. 

251 The dates are based on J. Brinkman, "Mesopotamian Chronology of the Historical Period", in: 
A.L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, 1977 2 , 335-352. 

252 P. Koschaker/A. Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesetz VI. Ubersetzte Urkunden mit Rechtserlauterungen, 1923, 46 f. 
and no. 1540. 



50 



Part One 



metal with a religious significance, such as a golden solar disc. In her opinion these objects could never 
have formed part of the original loan 253 . 

A possible example of such a 'vow' coupled to an outstanding debt(?) is a text from Larsa dating 
from the third year of Samsuiluna (= 1747 B.C.) 254 , in which neither IKRIBU nor the SALMU BALTU 
clause occurs 255 : "1/3 mina, 5 sekels of silver ... 256 Iddin-Istar 257 owes to Samas. When Samas will 
have had mercy upon him and he will have experienced the turning back of Sama§, (and thus) money 
will have become available to him, he will pay Sama§, his Lord". Harris contents that in this 'vow' 
Samas is forced to lend active assistance if he wishes to recover the sum owing him 258 . Depending on 
the meaning of MTHARUM, the sum of money here could be a fine for too late payment of a real loan, 
a fine of the same amount as the original debt imposed after the non-fulfillment of a vow, or with a 
different meaning of MTHARUM which enables R. Harris to designate this, too, as a vow that is 
merely disguised as a loan. 

The group of Old Babylonian texts which contain apparently obscure financial transactions with a god 
are designated IKRIBU. For a good understanding of these texts and for a definition of the meaning of 
IKRIBU, I believe it necessary to take into account its specific meaning in the Old Assyrian trade texts 
from Kultepe, as described by P. Garelli 259 and K.R. Veenhof 260 , since these works were published 
after the CAD I/J and the article of R. Harris. From the Kultepe texts it appears that this term was used 
to designate products of the temple, or commodities bought with the 'money' of the temple which 
merchants were allowed to put on sale, silver or gold received for them then being handed over to the 



253 If the person in trouble could only address a vow to a god by the roundabout means of a temple loan, this 
would imply that he had no other possibility of appealing directly to a god with the promise of an offering if the 
god relieved him of his problems. This does not seem plausible and moreover it would be diametrically opposed 
to the relative ease with which the Hittite royal family addressed vows to all sorts of gods in the thirteenth 
century. However a closer comparison cannot be made, since there are too many differences regarding time, the 
persons who make the vows and also such other aspects as the fact no loans by Hittite temples to private 
individuals are known. 

254 G. Boyer, Contribution a Vhistoire juridique de la lere dynastie babylonienne, 1928, 147 = V. Scheil, "La 
promesse dans la priere babylonienne", RA 12, 1915, 65-72 (p. 68). 

255 Translation of R. Harris, "Old Babylonian. . .", JCS 14, 136 +34 . 

256 The Akkadian text has here MTHARUM. 

257 A priest of the god Adad. 

258 R. Harris does not translate MTHARUM because she believes it certainly cannot be "some kind of interest" as 
proposed by B. Landsberger. According to CAD M II, 137 it could mean the fine for an unfulfilled vow or 
tardiness in paying a debt. The fine is as high as the outstanding "debt". 

259 P. Garelli, Les Assyriens en Cappadoce, 1963, 25 1 ff. 

260 K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology, 1972, 122 +202 , 153, 282, 350 +466 . 
See also M.T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies, 1976, 149. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



51 



temple 261 . From the derivation of IKRIBU from the verb KARABU = 'to pray', 'to bless', 'to 
consecrate' 262 , can be inferred that the word referred originally to objects given as votive offering to 
the temple, that its meaning then expanded to include all property of the temple and then further to 
include also the commodities lent out or given on consignment by the temple 263 . This renders plausible 
a further expansion of the meaning to 'goods still to be returned' or 'outstanding debt'. 

The concept of such a development is further strengthened by another connotation of IKRIBU, i. e. 
those valuables, usually gold or silver deposited by the merchants in sealed packages in the temple 264 , 
for which they were responsible or which remained their property but from which a part could on 
occasion be given to the god, either in payment of things bought for the temple, or as interest on the 
temple's financing of a business journey. In any case, the valuables termed IKRIBU were not allowed 
to be stored for any length of time elsewhere than in the temple. In this way the temple could keep an 
eye on the solvency of traders and, at the same time, it had security for its temporarily loaned capital. 

In this case IKRIBU has little to do with 'vow' or 'promised object', even though the temple's 
'basic capital' probably was composed of 'sacred objects'. The fact that IKRIBU in Old Babylonian 
texts in which the temple or god also clearly acts as financier should be interpreted as 'money lent (by 
the temple)', 'temple property' or 'temple funds' and not as 'promised object' or 'object to be 
consecrated' (not yet given) seems to me to provide the solution to many passages difficult to explain. 
It obviates such concepts as 'fictitious loans', 'conditions to be fulfilled before debts are redeemed' and 
'extra offerings'. This solution gains even more credibility as the only correct one if we realise that 
precisely BALTU also can have the connotation 'financially sound' 265 , so that BALTU and SALMU 
strengthen each other and together form the easy conditions on which the temple lent money: the 
borrower did not have to pay back the money until he was financially able to do so 266 . Strong support 
for the correctness of the view that 'physical health' is not in question here is to be found in SALMJ- 
BALTU texts where the loan is said to bear no interest 267 and in a text about a temple loan to a family 268 



1 IKRIBU is also used to designate a consignment which was temple property and for which no tax had to be 
paid en route. 

62 According to AHw I, 445, KARABU means "to make a vow" in only one passage, namely in ITn 40, 27 in the 
vow of Assur-nadin-apli (appr. 1206-1203). CAD K, 197 f. gives a few more passages. 

263 Cf. K.R. Veenhof, "Brieven van Assyrische Vrouwen", in: Schrijvend Verleden, 1983, 97 first note b, and 89. 

264 P. Garelli, Les Assyriens..., 253 ff. 

265 Information received in a letter dated 19-9-1983 from Prof. M. Stol who very kindly critically read the pages 
on Mesopotamia and for which I thank him warmly. Sentences containing data derived from his observations end 
with (M. S.). Obviously the responsibility for the contents of this paragraph is entirely mine. 

266 For details about loans in Mesopotamia, see M. Stol, Een Babylonier maakt schulden, 1983. 

267 PBS 8/2.150, UET 5.400, TCL 1.188. 



52 



Part One 



where two brothers promise to pay Sama§ if he makes them financially sound. It would be far-fetched 
to assume that both brothers were ill (M. S.). 

The Old Babylonian SALMU-BALTU and IKRIBU texts are of the same type as the aforementioned 
texts from Larsa where all that is expressed is that when money becomes available the god will receive 
what is owing to him. In a narrow sense these texts have nothing to do with vows. An interpretation 
along these lines makes sense of 'loans' to rich people and of one person 'becoming indebted' to two 
gods on the same day 269 . 

In Hittite texts IKRIBU came to mean more specifically and more abstractly 'vow' as well, as is 
attested by, inter alia, KUB 15.20 ii 9', a text from the thirteenth century B.C. in which IKRIBI.Hl.A 
are pronounced 270 . 



Middle Assyrian texts : 

To my mind the only manifest vow in Middle Assyrian texts occurs in ITn 40, 15-32 where A§sur- 
nadin-apli, son of Tukulti-Ninurta I writes the following 271 : "When the course of the Tigris beside my 
city ASsur was altered, it cut through 600 (IKU) of field and (so) created a (new) bed for itself; I prayed 
to the gods Assur and SamaS to return the course of the Tigris to its (former) position. I entreated (them) 
to make my royal statue (and) to erect (it) at the threshold of my city, the desired object of the gods, in 
the presence of the gods Assur and Samas. At that time, I made the 'house of my royal statue' on the 
bank of the Tigris at the threshold of my city, the city (which is) the desired object of the gods. I 
deposited my steles and clay inscriptions therein." 

Evidently the king fulfilled this vow when the Tigris returned to its old bedding at some 
unspecified time after the flood. Although the making of the vow is accompanied by an attitude of 
prayer, it would seem to be a true vow, possibly incorporated in a prayer. 



VAS 18.13. 



268 

269 R. Harris, "Old Babylonian...", JCS 14, 136 uses these two cases to prove why there can be no question of a 
real loan. 

270 .. . A-NA DINGIR-I/M IK-R1-BI.B1.A me-ma-an-har-zi ("... she has pronounced vows for the god"). 

271 In the translation of A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscription I, 1972, 135 f. Cf. W. Mayer, Untersuchungen 
zur Formensprache der Babylonischen Gebetsbeschworungen, 1976, 319. 



Presentation of the Htttite Votive Texts 



53 



B. Ugaritic and Canaanite texts 

The legend of the Ugaritic king Keret dates from approximately the same period as the vow of Assur- 
nadin-apli. In it the god El summons the king to march with his army to Udumu where he must capture 
Hurriya, a princess of Udumu, and carry her off as his wife. Three days after setting forth he arrives at 
Tyrus(?) and in the sanctuary of the goddesses Ashirat and Elath he makes a vow promising that if he 
succeeds in taking Hurriya to his house and in leading her into his court he will offer double her weight 
in silver and triple in gold. For seven years after he succeeds in marrying Hurriya, Keret forgets to 
fulfill his vow and the goddesses then remind him of his negligence 272 . 

S.B. Parker 273 , like L.R. Fisher before him 274 , compares this vow with the diverse vows in the Old 
Testament and refers, inter alia, to A. Wendel's work on vows 275 . The vows which occur in prayers are 
not here distinguished from 'independent' vows. 

In the Old Testament, particularly in Genesis 28:20-22 (Jacob), 1 Samuel 1:11 (Hannah), 2 Samuel 
15:8 (Absalom), and Judges ll:30f. (Jephthah) approach relatively closely the Hittite vows as regards 
their construction, especially in the mention of the name of the deity followed by "if you . . . then I 
will", the vow being fulfilled after the god has done his work 276 , and occasionally in the introductory 
phrase "and PN made a vow to GN as follows: . . ." 277 . 



272 Possibly H. Ginsberg correctly assumes in ANET 3 , 1969, 145 that Keret did fulfill this vow, but that he made 
new ones which he was negligent in fulfilling, with the result that he fell ill. In iii 23 ff, reference is made to 
more vows and votive [offerings] than to the single vow concerning Hurriya (differently interpreted by W. Rollig, 
Neues Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft I, 1978, 266 ff.). 

273 S.B. Parker, "The Vow in Ugaritic and Israelite Narrative Literature", UF 11, 1979, 693-700. 

274 L.R. Fisher, 'Two Projects at Claremont: The Ugaritic and Hebrew Parallels Project; The Claremont Ras 
Shamra Tablets", UF3, 1971, 25-32 (p. 27 ff). 

275 A. Wendel, Das israelitisch-judische Gelubde, 1931. A detailed comparison between the Hittite and the Old 
Testament faiths, without further comment on the vows, is to be found in: E.P. Matter, Die Bedeutung der 
Hethiterflir das Alte Testament (Eine religions-, rechtsgeschichtliche und ethnologische Studie), 1933. 

276 Deuteronomy 23:32, for that matter, contains a warning against postponing the fulfillment of a vow. 

The contents of the Hittite and the Old Testament vows differ widely, however. There are three types in the 
Old Testament: 1. for the sake of a safe return, 2. for the sake of a military victory, 3. in order to acquire a wife 
and progeny. The first two types also occur in Hittite texts, but the Hittites had innumerable other reasons for 
making a vow and, unlike in the Old Testament, in theirs there is not always a specific relation between the 
condition and what is promised. 



54 



Part One 



A parallel to Keret's vow is to be found in the much later Mishna , in which a woman promises her 
daughter's weight in gold if she is cured of her disease. Parker also compares Keret's vow with the 
Hittite prayer KUB 2 1 .27 in which queen Puduhepa promises a silver statue of king Hattusili, life-sized, 
with head, hands and feet of gold. 

The conclusion drawn from these Hittite and Ugaritic texts that the object promised is a 
replacement for the (possibly) sick person who would otherwise be given to the god is prompted by the 
vow of Hannah, but is not attested by many other Hittite texts in which a statue is promised and in 
which there can be no question of replacement. The promise of a statue must be seen as the promise of 
a statue of a god and therefore a valuable cult object. Hence it is not correct to compare the vows of 
Jephthah and Hannah in which persons are promised with the vows of Keret and Puduhepa in which a 
substitute is said to be promised. What Parker 279 considered a logical inference, namely that the custom 
in the more developed trading community in Late Bronze Age Syria and Anatolia the offering the 
image of a person was thereafter further rationalised in Israel, likewise cannot be correct. 

Moreover the paucity of Ugaritic material, consisting (only) of the Keret vow, enjoins 
circumspection in drawing conclusions about the relation between vows in Ugarit and Israel 280 . It is 
however remarkable that, given the direct written contact between the Hittites and Ugarit and a 
'geographical' contact between Ugarit and Israel, from about the beginning of the thirteenth century 
B.C. in Anatolia, at the end of the century in Ugarit and possibly a few centuries later in Israel vows 
are encountered which, despite all the divergencies, reveal an outward likeness not found in the texts 
from Mesopotamia. The only comparable vow is, as described above, the vow of the Assyrian king 
A§sur-nadin-apli which also dates from the thirteenth century. 



278 S.B. Parker, "The Vow. . .", UF 11, 695. 

279 "Worshipping replica" (S.B. Parker, "The Vow...", UF 11, 700). For the use of substitute effigies in Hittite 
rituals, reference might be made, inter alia, to the most instructive book by H.M. Kiimmel, Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 
3. In these rituals there is a ruler whose kingship is threatened by evil omens and for whom the other customary 
substitute animals are not adequate to save him. Another person or an effigy of a person is appointed to be the 
magic substitute to whom the impending evil is transferred. There is no offering whatsoever involved, but a 
magic ritual to protect the king against evil. 

280 Parker rightly qualifies his statement (S.B. Parker, "The Vow...", UF 11) that, for example, the analogies 
between the Keret vow and those of the Old Testament "must be explained by similar institutional foundations in 
the life of the two societies" by remarking that the scarcity of Ugarit material and the differences between the 
vows of Keret and Hannah enjoins caution if one considers other types of vows which could have been customary 
in the more commercial, law-regulated society of Syria in the Late Bronze age. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 
9. Comments on persons mentioned in the texts 



55 



m AMAR MuSEN -/ 2 " (NH 1734 + suppl.): 



Texts: 

1: KBo 4.10 Rev. 29 (CTH 106); 

2:KBol6.83iil0(CTH242); 

3: KUB 13.35 ii 43 (CTH 293); 

4: KUB 15.5+ il (CTH 583); 

5: KUB 30.38 + KBo 23.1 1. s. 2 (CTH 472); 

6: KUB 3 1.61+ ii 9 (CTH 585). 

Although bundled together, these texts usually mention different persons with a different ending to 
their names: "AMAR^™-/ and m AMAR MuSE %. This can be explained by assuming that MUSEN 
covers two different Hittite words, possibly wattai- for the first group and a word ending in -anna for 
the second for which, however, I can make no suggestion 282 . The texts 3, 4 and 6 and probably text l 283 
contain the first name, texts 2 and 5 the second. 

A number of persons are easily distinguished since their professions are given: a carpenter in text 2 
and a scribe in text 5 are clearly different from the persons in the first group. In text 1, m AMAR EN -/' 
is an urayanni 1M , in text 3 a KARTAPPU 295 , in text 4 no profession is mentioned and in text 6 he is 
again urayanni. It is possible that the KARTAPPU was promoted to urayanni and that the same person 
is therefore involved in all these cases 286 . 

This would mean that KUB 13.35 is older than the vow of Puduhepa and KBo 4.10 287 , which is 
very plausible. If KUB 15.5+ can indeed be dated to Urhi-Tesup, and provided only one person is 



281 See now Th.P.J. van den Hout, StBoT 38, 1995, 204 ff. 

282 This -anna is based on the writing in (5) m AMAR MuSEN -[a]«-«a-as. 

283 KBo 4. 1 has the nom. abs. 

284 For this high official, under the hv tuhkanti, see inter alia A. Goetze, "Hittite courtiers and their titles", RHA 54, 
1952, 1-14 (p. 9^) and F. Pecchioli Daddi, "II hazan(n)u nei testi di Hattusa", Or. Ant. 14, 1975, 93-136 (p. 1 19 f. 93 ). 

285 See F. Pecchioli Daddi, "II KARTAPPU nel regno ittita", SCO 27, 1977, 169-191. 

286 E. Laroche, "Un point d'histoire: Ulmi-Te§sub", RHA 48, 1948, 40-48 (p. 43) declares that the persons in texts 
(3) and (6) are "without doubt" identical, but this interpretation is probably based on the then assumed 
identification LV uri/ayanni = KARTAPPU (see E. Laroche, "Le voeu. . .", RA 43, 71). 

287 To be dated to the reign of Tuthaliya IV according to the data placed at my disposal by Th.P.J. van den Hout. 



56 Part One 

involved, the career of m AMAR MuSEN -/ could have spanned three reigns, from Urhi-Tesup to early 
Tuthalia IV. 

f Arum(m)ura (NH no. 155 + suppl.): 

Texts: 

1: KBo 16.83 hi 10' (CTH 242); 

2:KUB 15.5+ ill (CTH 583); 

3: KUB 26.43 Obv. 51 and Rev. 6 (CTH 225); 

4: KUB 48.126:13'. 

The only indication of the function of (an) Arumura is in text 1, where she is GAL MUNUS SlJ.GI, a 

very seldom 288 mentioned leader of the old women who play an important role in oracles and during 

religious festivals 289 . The occurrence in text 2 of various known persons makes it possible to date it in 

the Muwatalli/Hattusili III period 290 . In text 3 mention is made of the sons of Arumura (possibly 

concubine of Sahurunuwa) who are not granted property in the Sahurunuwa agreement. If this text is 

dated, rightly, at the beginning of the reign of Tuthaliya IV, Arumura herself can be dated under 

Hattusili III (and Tuthaliya IV). 

Text 4 is from the reign of Hattusili III and Puduhepa. The personal names with Arumura in text 1 
are partially identical with a number of names 291 in the votive texts, but a positive identification is 
impossible. Each name refers to more than one person. R. Lebrun's conclusion from these texts that 
Arumura was a priestess, like Hepapiya known for her intervention, is too bold . There are not 
enough data available to state positively that the same woman occurs in all four texts. In text 2, 
Arumura gives advice after a dream and in text 4 she probably appears before the king in a dream. 
Nothing can be inferred from text 3 in this respect and, because of her function in text 1, the Arumura 



288 In four texts according to F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri. .., 556. 

289 See A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 119 ff. 

290 Inter alia m UR.MAH-ziri, m Ehli-Kusuh, f °U-IR. In A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 138 f. dated under Hattusili 
III. Different in F. Imparati, "Una concessione. . .", RHA 32, 92 f., who dates the text between MurSili II and Urhi- 
Tesup because Danuhepa occurs in it. In my opinion Danuhepa could, however, have appeared in a dream, 
possibly after her death, or the gifts could have been made in memory of Danuhepa, though this is not stated 
explicitly. 

291 "AMAR^-ra), Tiha- 1 ^ (EN UNUTI), "Tuthaliya. 

292 R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 53 and 127. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



57 



mentioned there could be identical with the one in texts 2 and 4 293 . In any case one Arumura was a very 
important woman during the reign of HattuSili III, being his counsellor in the explanation of dreams. 
The occurrence of an Arum(m)ura in various Bo. texts cannot (as yet) be explained 294 . 

m Ehli- D ,S7jV ( m Ehli-Kusuh^ (NH no. 226 + suppl.): 

Texts: 

1: KUB 15.5+ ii 9' (CTH 583) 295 ; 

2: KUB 23.45:4 (fr.) (?) (CTH 209); 

3: KUB 26.66 hi 2, 4, 7 and iv 14 (with dupl. KBo 18.153) (CTH 242); 

4: IBoT 1.31 Rev. 2 (fr.) (CTH 618); 

5: KUB 56.1:1 (fr.) (?) 2% 

The complete Human name of this official who served under Hattu§ili III and Tuthaliya IV has been 

preserved only in text 3 297 . From various details it can be inferred that Ehli-Kusuh was the guardian of 

the palace stores of gold and silver and it is likely that all references are to one and the same person. In 

text 3, an inventory list, Ehli-Kusuh states that the silver for making a pectoral ornament has already 

been handed over to Kassu, the gold- and silversmith 298 . 

A. Kammenhuber postulates 299 that in this text Ehli-Kusuh confirms that the god of Arusna is 
satisfied with the offerings promised, but I found no attestation of this in the text. It is questionable 
whether that accords with his function as known to us from texts mentioned above. In text 4 he is given 
gold to make a goblet. The same god of Arusna occurs in text 5 in connexion with an Ehli-[. . .], which 
makes the restoration SIN a possibility. In text 1 mention is made of a dream of Ehli-Kusuh in which a 



As in F. Imparati, "Una concessione. . .", RHA 32, 93. According to A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 
28, the women in texts (2) and (3) are, in any case, identical. According to L.M. Mascheroni, "Un 
interpretazione...", in: Fs P. Meriggi II, 308 f., the Arumura's in texts (2) and (4) are identical, but different from 
the one in (3). 

294 L. Rost, "Zu den hethitischen. . . I", MO 8, 194. 

295 This passage is given in E. Laroche, Recueil d'onomastique hittite, 1951, no. 218. The restoration is supported 
by H. Klengel, "Zum Brief eines Konigs von Hanigalbat", Or. 32, 1963, 280-291 (p. 288). 

296 In H. Otten/V. Soucek, Das Gelubde..., StBoT 1, 10 2 and Taf. VIII. 

7 It is often broken at the determinative of divinity. Where something can be seen of it, it cannot plausibly be 
restored to Ehli-LUGAL(-/wa), since this name is written without D . 

298 Cf. A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6, 47. For Kassu see PART One Chapter 1 note 43. In lines 7 f, Ehli-kusuh 
could possibly keep the silver separate from the rest of the material in view of an unfavourable oracle(?) (... m Eh- 
li- D SIN a-as-ga-za kal-la-ra-an-ni har-zi). 

299 A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 150. 



58 



Part One 



priestess and gold occur and, as always in this text, the final advice is given by the dream-diviner 
Hepapiya. It is not certain whether text 2 refers to the same person. It is a letter in which, inter alia, a 
Lupakki is also mentioned. UR.MAH-ziti, the well-known court scribe under Hattusili HI also occurs 
in texts 1 and 3. Although KUB 15.5+ dates from the time when Hattusili was not yet a reigning 
monarch 301 , it is in no way inconceivable that the same 'guardian of the treasure' is referred to in the 
texts where his function is clearly stated. 

The postulation of A. Unal 302 that no name beginning with Ehli- can be dated in the reign of 
Hattusili cannot be correct: A. Unal himself dates KUB 23.45 in the reign of Hattusili III 303 . The proper 
name is also on a seal from Emar (Meskene) 304 with the function of LU SAGI.A = 'pourer'. 

f Hepa-SUM ( f Hepapiya) (NH no. 365 + suppl.): 

Texts: KUB 15.5+ passim. 

This woman's name, which occurs exclusively in KUB 15.5+ in 27 passages, is always written f Hepa- 
SUM (without specification of profession) and is preceded by UMMA = 'thus'. It is remarkable that 
she is not mentioned in any other text and that she always allots objects to "DINGIR-L/M GAL". 
Sometimes what is given to a certain god because of a dream is taken back and given to the great god 
on the advice of Hepapiya 305 . She is evidently some sort of priestess of the great god and also 
counsellor in the matter of dreams 306 under Urhi-Tesup, to whose reign the text of KUB 15.5+ can 
probably be dated 307 . 



300 The name is broken off here already in the LI sign. 

301 See Part One Chapter 5. 

302 A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3,119. 

303 A. ttaal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 120. 

304 E. Laroche, "Les hieroglyphes de Meskene-Emar et le style 'syro-hittite'", Akkadica 22, 1981, 5-14 (p. 11: 
Msk. 75, 9). 

305 For example KUB 15.5+ iii 19 ff. 

306 Priere hittite, 7: "... pretresse ou intendante apparemment responsable de 1' affaire". A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 
3, 138: "Sie ist die Traumdeuterin". R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 53: "... tandis que Arumura et Hepapiya sont des 
pretresses..." 

7 The possibility that she and her principal Urhi-Tesup have disappeared from the scene is considered in Part 
One Chapter 5 



Presentation of the Hitttte Votive Texts 



59 



The name Hepapiya also occurs on two seals from Tarsus 308 , which could argue for a Luwian 
reading of the second element of the name 309 . 

m Katapa-DINGiR-L/M f m Katapaili1 (NH no. 543 + suppl.): 

Texts: 

1: KBo 2.2 iv 24, 28 (CTH 577); 

2: KBo 16.60 Obv. 5 (CTH 295); 

3: KBo 18.146:1, 20 (fr.) (CTH 581); 

4: KUB 15.11 iii 5', T (fr.) (CTH 584); 

5: KUB 16.32+ ii 25 (CTH 582). 

It is remarkable that the Hittites so seldom specify the profession or function of officials mentioned by 

name. In none of the texts in which his name occurs is Katapaili's profession specified, though he must 

have been an important man in vows and oracle matters. In text 1, an oracle text which could date from 

the reign of Tuthaliya IV, the matter of giving with which Katapaili was cognizant is twice mentioned 

in connexion with vows 310 . 

In text 4 the personal name twice occurs as last word of a paragraph even after karu = 'already 
(done)', which would seem to suggest that Katapaili checked whether the vow was fulfilled. In texts 2 
and 5 311 , both texts of a protocol nature, his function is not clear. In text 5, dated under Tuthaliya IV by 
H.G. Gilterbock and H. Often 312 , he is possibly authorised to allot a city to the spirit of a dead man. In 
text 2 Katapaili possibly commands the service of a number of 'deported' for a temple. In the third text, 
a letter concerning an oracle, someone (in an obscure context) twice addressed the king and twice 
Katapaili, further attestation of the high position of this official in religious matters under Hattusili III 
and Tuthaliya IV. 



Numbers 14 and 17, described by I. Gelb, in : H. Goldman, Excavations at Gozlii Kule Tarsus II, 1956, 248 f. 
On no. 17 possibly together with Pu-tu-he-pa, GREAT QUEEN. He-pa-pi-a is designated as daughter of a king. 
For the reading he- see E. Laroche, "Documents hieroglyphiques hittites. . .", Ugar. Ill, 137* 4 . 

Termed a Hurrian name by A. Kammenhuber, "Nominalkomposition in den altanatolischen Sprachen des 2. 
Jahrtausends",AZ77, 1961, 161-218 (p. 213). 

310 See also A. Unal, Hattusili III. Teil II, TdH 4, 1974, 111. 

311 Cf. R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle, StBoT 4, 48 resp. 14 f. 

312 HTR, 136+ 4 KUB 50.6, which can be joined to KUB 16.32, is also dated under Tuthaliya IV by A. Archi in 
his introduction to the text edition in question. 



60 



Part One 



f Kilushepa (NH no. 579 + suppl.): 

Texts: 

l:KUB15.1iii54'(CTH584); 

2: KUB 15.3 iv 10' ff. (CTH 584); 

3:KUB15.30ii5(CTH590); 

4: KUB 40.80:1 (? fr.), 2 (CTH 297); 

5: KUB 56.14 iv 1; 

The woman with this Human, compound personal name occurs exclusively in dream and votive texts 

and twice in KUB 40.80, described by H.G. Guterbock as "deposition in court" 313 . In texts 1 and 2 the 

queen makes a vow in the preceding paragraph on behalf of the son of the king of Isuwa on condition 

he recovers from an illness 314 . In text 3 she occurs in an unspecified connexion together with f °U-IR 

and m UR.MAH-ziti, the first of whom also appear in text 4 with, inter alia, KiluShepa 315 . In the text 4, 

fD U-IR makes statements in various paragraphs introduced by UM-MA f °U-IR (lines 1 1 and 16), which 

also could possibly have stood at the beginning of line 1. After approximately sixteen missing signs, 

the text continues with: [...-h]e-pa-as e-es-ta nu-[wa] A-NA m A-li-LUGAL-m[a] (2) [16 signs GI]M or 

[m]a-an-wa [ { Ki-lu-us]-he-pa-as BA.U& (3), etc. It is highly probable that [ { Ki-lu-us]-he-pa-as can be 

filled in in line 1. The translation is then: "[Kilushfjepa was [there] and [...] to Alisarruma [...]. When 

[Kilus]hepa died, etc. 316 " 

Other names in this text are, inter alia, Lupakki and Sausgaziti, two personal names which, like 
Kilusfrepa, have been found on bullae in Korucutepe 317 , as noted by Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate 318 , in a 



313 H.G. Guterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal Impressions from Korucutepe", JNES 32, 1973, 135-147 (p. 139 s ). 
In E. Laroche (CTH 297) classified as "Documents de procedure(?)" and in H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Isuwa", 
Or. Ant. 15, 1976, 85-89 (p. 87 f.) as "Gerichtlichen Zeugenaussage". 

314 Restoration in text (2): the name of the country and the words "recovers from the illness". 

315 Up till now, f "-TJ-IR has not been read as such in KUB 15.5+ ii 5' and KUB 15.30 ii 5. Only in the supplement 
to NH see therefore under no. 1756c with text KUB 40.80: 11,16, to which can be added line 6 and line 20 (fr.). 
The fact that in KUB 15.5+ ii 52 ff. UR.MAH-ztf; states that the Stormgod is angry with, inter alia, the king of 
Kuwa could be significant. 

316 The translation is based on the most plausible restoration GIM-an. 

317 The bullae have been published by H.G. Guterbock in: M.N. van Loon (ed.), Korucutepe 3, 1980, 127 ff. 
following on an earlier, preliminary publication in H.G. Guterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal. . .", JNES 32. 

318 Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, review of NH, BiOr 30, 1973, 252-257 (p. 257). 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 6 1 

region that is usually identified with Isuwa 319 . Regarding Lupakki in KUB 40 and on bulla no. 6, there 
is a possibility that he is the same person as the chief of charioteers who is addressed in KBo 18.4 by a 
king of Kuwa as "my dear father" and as the Lupakki who as "servant to the queen" in KBo 18.1 writes 
her a number of lines 320 . The link between KUB 40.80 and Kuwa is based on more than just the 
personal names, namely the occurrence in line 9 of the city of Maltiya 321 which was located near or in 
Isuwa 322 , probably near present-day Malatya. The frequent occurrence of the name Lupakki makes a 
certain identification impossible 323 , although it is manifest from KUB 40.80:11 ff. that Lupakki 
(without specification of function) holds an important post: "... those women who were brough[t] from 
Ambara, these [were given] to Lupakki and Lupakki said to them 'do this', etc." 

The bulla bearing the name Kilushepa, might, perhaps, help us to identify this woman. As 
H.G. Guterbock has convincingly demonstrated 324 , she occurs together with a king 325 Arisarruma on 
the bilingual 326 bullae 2.2.A and 2.2.B with, after her name, the designation GAL DUMU.MUNUS or 
DUMU.MUNUS GAL, to be translated, for the meanwhile, as 'princess' (literally 'great daughter'). 

The strong indications that one and the same KiluShepa is concerned in all the texts listed at the 
beginning of this section and on the bullae are set forth in the aforesaid articles of H.G. Guterbock 327 
and H. Klengel 328 . It must be pointed out that from the fact that in texts 1 and 2 Puduhepa makes a vow 
for the son of the king of Isuwa it can be inferred that her (family) relationship with the royal family of 



H. Klengel, "Die Hethiter und Kuwa", Or. Ant. 1, 1968, 63-76. H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Isuwa", 85-89. and 
H.G. Guterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal...", JNES 32, 140. 

320 Suggested for the Lupakki on the Korucutepe bulla by H.G. Guterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal...", JNES 
32, 142 4 , one argument being the occurrence of a charioteer Lupakki in KUB 31.68:39 and the mention of Kuwa 
two lines further on. See, however, H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Kuwa", Or. Ant. 15, 86 ff. and F. Pecchioli Daddi, 
"II LV KARTAPPU. . .", SCO 27, 169 ff. According to the latter on the analogy of RS 19.70 "my father" should not 
be taken to mean a family relationship. 

321 The traces permit the restoration of -di-ya after mv Ma-al. Already so in H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Isuwa", Or. 
Ant. 15, 88 22 . 

322 Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, The Records of the Early Hittite Empire (c. 1450-1380 B.C.), 1970, 4 14 , 62, 65 with 
map at the end. Cf. RGTC 6, 257 f. 

323 E. Laroche (Suppl. to NH no. 708) merely calls the Lupakki of the Korucutepe bulla "contemporain de 
HattuSili III", whereas he classifies the Lupakki-s of KUB 40.80 and KBo 18.1 under "divers". 

324 H.G. Guterbock, in: Korucutepe 3, 128 f. According to E. Laroche, "Les hieroglyphes de Meskene-Emar...", 
Akkadica 22, 10, the same Ar(i)Sarruma has been found on seal Msk. 73.95 in Meskene (Emar). We must wait for 
a reproduction to see whether the same antithetic hands are used for the spelling ar{i). 

325 The title "hero" is possibly added. 

326 Unfortunately almost nothing remains of the cuneiform writing. 

327 H.G. Guterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal. . .", JNES 32, 135 ff. 

328 H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Kuwa", Or. Ant. 15, 85 ff. 



62 



Part One 



Isuwa was a close one. The dating of the place (Pit G) where the bullae were found is roughly 1225- 
1100 329 . 

The cuneiform texts in which Arisarruma and Kilushepa occur also date from the last part of the 
reign of Hattusili III or from that of his son Tuthaliya IV, as from about the middle of the thirteenth 
century 330 . 

In any case text 4, which contains pronouncements made by fD U-IR after the death of Kilushepa, is 
the latest of the four texts in which this occurs, somewhat later than text 3 in which fD U-IR brings 
objects to the king. It is not absolutely certain that Kilushepa was the wife of Arisarruma, even though 
they occur together on the bullae. In this connexion H. Klengel 331 and K. K. Riemschneider 332 prefer 
Alisarruma, whose wife is said, in KUB 40.90 in an obscure context, to have died 333 . Since, as stated 
above, AliSarruma occurs in close relation to Kilushepa in KUB 40.80 and, moreover, certain identical 
persons occur in both texts (Kili or Utli as well as Lupakki and Sausgaziti), they combine the two 
statements about the dying and take Alisarruma to be the husband of Kilushepa. So far, however, the 
only known kings of Isuwa are Arisarruma 334 and Ehlisarruma 335 . 

Ehlisarruma could possibly have been the last one, since there probably ceased to be an 
independent king of Isuwa some time during the reign of Tuthaliya IV 336 . The arguments in support of 
a marriage between Kilushepa and Aliiarruma are not, in my opinion, strong enough to refute the 
contention that the appearance together on the bullae of Kilushepa and Arisarruma means they were 
wife and husband. 

The designation DUMU.MUNUS GAL which accompanies the personal name Kilushepa is 
fraught with problems. Apart from appearing in hieroglyphs on these bullae, the term DUMU.MUNUS 
GAL occurs in three cuneiform texts: KBo 4.6 (CTH 380), KBo 18.1 (CTH 187) and KUB 22.70 
(CTH 566), which are now dealt with successively. 



329 H.G. Guterbock, in: Korucutepe 3, 128. 

330 H.G. Guterbock in: Korucutepe 3, 129. H. Klengel ("Nochmals zu Isuwa", Or. Ant. 15, 88) calculates 
contemporariness with Tuthaliya IV. 

331 H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Isuwa", Or. Ant. 15, 88. 

332 K.K. Riemschneider, review of R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle (StBoT 4), OLZ 70, 1975, 257-259 



333 



. 259). 



Cf. R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle, StBoT 4, 67 f. 

334 Inter alia mentioned as such in KBo 4.10, the treaty with Ulmi-Tesup. 

335 Bulla 2.3 from Korucutepe could possibly derive from him. 

336 H. Klengel, "Die Hethiterund Isuwa", Or. Ant. 15, 71 ff. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



63 



A. KBo 4.6 : When translating this prayer for the edition of Schrijvend Verleden ("Ex Oriente 
Lux",1983, 220 ff.), it struck me that what we have here are, in fact, two closely parallel passages (one 
for the sick DUMU.MUNUS GAL and one for the sick Gagsuliyawiya) which deviate from the 
'normal' major type, as given in CTH 371. Some considerations 337 which led me to believe that KBo 
4.6 contains two different prayers are: 

(a) Obv. 21 ff. is reminiscent of the beginning of votive texts or independent parts of votive texts 
after a paragraph-divider, e. g. in KUB 15.30 hi 8, KUB 48.118:1, KUB 48.121:1 and KUB 48.126:15', 
even though there is no question there of a subsidiary clause in the proem. The first prayer runs from 
Obv. x+1 to 21' and the second from Obv. 21' to Rev. 26', terminated by a double paragraph rule after 
which the tablet 'continues' without text. Hence this is in fact a concluding formula. 

(b) The concluding formula of Rev. 24'-26' is literally the same as that of Obv. 18'-20', with the 
one exception of a different person who will glorify the god after being cured: DUMU.MUNUS GAL 
in the first prayer, Gassuliyawiya in the second. 

(c) Two different replacement images are mentioned: for DUMU.MUNUS GAL a woman who is 
richly clad, magnificent, pure, splendid and shining, and for GaSsuliyawiya a woman clad in 
magnificent cloths. The offerings also differ: Gassuliyawiya adds to the sacrificial animals given by 
DUMU.MUNUS GAL a nanny goat and bread and wine. Another striking feature is the first person 
uppahhun = T have sent' in Obv. 12', spoken by the person who had the prayer for DUMU.MUNUS 
GAL recorded, as compared with uppesta = 'she has sent' in Rev. 14', subject Gassuliyawiya. 

(d) In the first prayer, in which the request is 'to remove' the illness, the disease could possibly be 
a different one from that in the second prayer, where the concept 'to cut away' is used in what is 
otherwise an identical passage. Consequently the persons mentioned in the prayers, DUMU.MUNUS 
GAL and Gassuliyawiya need not necessarily be identical, as has hitherto always been assumed. 
Indeed it would seem highly unlikely that they are identical. Gassuliyawiya is not, therefore, mentioned 
with the 'title' DUMU.MUNUS GAL, the reason for ascribing 338 this text to the wife of Mursili II 
becomes invalid and hence also the necessity to date it to the reign of Mursili II. 



For a more detailed discussion of the parallelism of this text, reference must be made to my review in BiOr 42, 
1985, 128-133 and J. Tischler, Das hethitische Gebet der Gassulijawija, 1981. 

338 Namely that she had the title DUMU.MUNUS GAL as queen who must wait until the death of the widow of 
Suppiluliuma before she may call herself MUNUS.LUGAL. Cf. H.G. Guterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal...", 
JNES 32, 137 and the introduction to KBo 18 p. IV. A dating to the reign of Hattusili III is to be found in 
J. Friedrich, "Aus dem hethitischen Schrifttum. Ubersetzungen von Keilschrifttexten aus dem Archiv von 



64 



Part One 



In NH no. 539, E. Laroche distinguishes two Gassuliyawiya-s: 1) "Princesse hittite, peut-etre 
femme de Mursili II"; 2) "Fille de Hattusili III, femme de Bentesina". Under 1) he lists in addition to 
KBo 4.6 KUB 36.81 (CTH 376) which must indeed date from the reign of Mursili and to these are 
added in the supplement 339 KBo 22.10 iii 7 (?) (CTH 214, 20) and KUB 50.103 Rev. 3 340 . Under 2) are 
listed KBo 1.8 Obv. 19, the text which attests that Gassuliyawiya is a daughter of Hattusili and has 
become the wife of Bentesina of Amurru, and the hieroglyphic seal SBo 1.104. To these can probably 
be added the text mentioned by A. Kammenhuber 341 , KUB 5.20+ 18.56, in which Hattusili makes 
oracular inquiries to enquire if his children are in danger 342 . 

As well as KBo 1.8 and the seal, KBo 22.10 could also derive from the time of Hattusili because 
Gassuliyfawiya] is mentioned between Hannutti and Tuthaliya, (Prince) Hannutti's dating (NH no. 278) 
being known from his occurrence in KBo 4.10 and Tuthaliya being taken therefore as Tuthaliya IV 343 . 
Nothing can be deduced from KUB 50.103, a small fragment of an oracle text. In addition to the seal 
SBo 1.104, a personal seal of a princess on which Gasuliyawi is designated DUMU.MUNUS LUGAL 
(= daughter of the king, probably Hattusili III), there is another Bogazkoy seal, SBo 1.37, on which 
Gasulawi is also mentioned, but with Mursili as D UTU->!>7. Damage makes it impossible to say with 
certainty whether the designation DUMU.MUNUS LUGAL also occurs here 344 . 



Boghazkoi II", AO 25, 1925, 3-32 (p. 19) and following him, inter alia, in A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., 
TdH 7, 147, 149 and A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 42. 

339 Suppl. of NH, Hethitica 4, 1981, 3-58 (p. 20). 

340 Wrongly called f Pisulawija in the index of personal names in the text edition. 

341 A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 31. 

342 According to A. Kammenhuber, i 36 ff. refer to KaSu!lawii[a] ( = Gassuliyawiya) and ii 19 ff. the same person, 
designated DUMU.MUNUS, without personal name. The reading SU! is less plausible than AL judging by the 
copy, but the original could make SU possible. The spelling Ka-su etc. would, in any case, be unique for this 
name. NH no. 483 says the name is Kallawiya, a name which occurs nowhere else. H. Otten, "Ein weiterer 
Ramses-Brief aus Bogazkoy", in: Fs E. Edel, 1979, 314-317 (p. 316) agrees with the identification of 
TaSmiiSarruma as son of Hattusili. 

343 In suppl. to NH no. 278, E. Laroche does admit the possibility that this Hannutti refers to the same prince as 
the one in KBo 4.10. All three persons mentioned could possibly have been children of Hattusili and Puduhepa. 
Hannutti and Tuthaliya also occur together in the letter KUB 19.23 dated to the reign of Tuthaliya IV by, inter 
alia, Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, "A new fragment of the 'Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son, Mursili IF", 
JNES 25, 1966, 27-31 (p. 30). See S. Heinhold-Krahmer, Arzawa. Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte nach 
den hethitischen Quellen, TdH 8, 1977, 247 f. E. Laroche classifies KBo 22.10 under the "Textes historiques, 
divers" (CTH 214, 20). O.R. Gurney, "The anointing of Tudhaliya", in: Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi 
dicata I, 1979, 213-223 (p. 219 27 ) wonders whether the text could possibly belong to KUB 19.10 (Deeds of 
Suppiluliuma), but admits that the interpretation gives rise to problems. HA. Hoffher, review of KBo 22, BiOr 
33, 1976, 337-337 (p. 335) said that the author could have been either Hattusili III or Mursili II on the grounds of 
"Deeds" fragments 14 and 15. 

344 Cf. H.G. Giiterbock "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal...", JNES 32, 137: "On the seal SBo 1.104 (and, damaged, 37) 
her title is written with ... etc." Here the author refers to "Ka§sul(iy)awi(ya), the wife of Mursili II". See also S.R. 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



65 



In any event there is no DUMU.MUNUS GAL, which might be expected on the grounds of the 
(old) interpretation of KBo 4.6, because MUNUS.LUGAL (GAL) would be most unusual 345 in the 
situation of a wife of Mursili II. To my mind KBo 4.6 could be ascribed to the reign of 
Hattusili/Puduhepa and I think it possible that Puduhepa had the prayers recorded for the sake of two of 
her daughters, DUMU.MUNUS GAL and Gassuliyawiya. Clues for a dating in this period are: 

1 . The prayers are addressed to Lelwani 346 , the god(dess) to whom Puduhepa turns in prayers, in 
prayer-like vows, when the health of a member of her family is endangered, as in KUB 15.16 and 17+ 
and KUB 21.27+. 

2. As noted above, Obv. 21 ff. resembles passages in vows of Puduhepa/Hattuslli and the contents 
of the two prayers are closely parallel to the votive texts of the royal couple. 

3. Of the signs which are significant for the dating, the (short) text has once a late URU (no old) 
and thirteen times a late LI as opposed to twice an old LI. Twice the old form of IK occurs but not the 
late and three times the late form of TAR but not the old. SAR and AK do not occur. The great 
majority of late LI-s is enough in itself to make a late dating of this tablet more plausible than an early 
one 347 . 

4. The use of DINGIR-i/M as vocative is a further indication of a late dating, even though such a 
vocative also occurs in, for example, KBo 1 1.1, a prayer of Muwatalli. 

B. KBo 18. I 348 : This letter was sent by a reigning monarch to his mother. In a second letter on the 
same tablet, or in a P.S. to the (first) letter, Lupakki states that all goes well with the king and (the) 
DUMU.MUNUS GAL 349 . According to S. R. Bin-Nun 350 , H.G. Giiterbock 351 and A. Kammenhuber 352 , 
Tuthaliya IV wrote this letter to his mother Puduhepa and Lupakki, servant of the queen, states that all 



Bin-Nun, The Tawananna..., TdH 5, 254 ff. Obviously I cannot agree with her conclusions based on the old 
dating of KBo 4.6. 

345 H.G. Giiterbock apud E. Laroche, "Documents hieroglyphiques hittites...", Ugar. HI, 107. 
The name of the god(dess) has been preserved in the second prayer only. 

347 If we follow F. Starke, review of A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext... (TdH 6), Or. 50, 1981, 466-471 (p. 469), the late 
LI is in itself an absolute criterion for dating to the thirteenth century. The character of the text renders 
implausible the possibility of a later copy of an older text. 

348 Transliteration and translation by A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 148 f. 

349 For the term P.S. see H.G. Giiterbock, "Some Stray Bogazkoy Tablets", in: Fs. E. Laroche, 137-144 (p. 143). 

350 S.R. Bin-Nun, The Tawananna..., TdH 5, 256 

351 H.G. Giiterbock, "Some Stray...", in: Fs E. Laroche, 144, where the letters KBo 18.2 and 6, in any case, are 
considered to derive from these persons. Taken in conjunction with the introduction to the text edition, KBo 18.1 
can be added. 



' A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 149. 



66 



Part One 



goes well with Tuthaliya and (the) DUMU.MUNUS GAL. As far as dating is concerned, this 
DUMU.MUNUS GAL could, in any case, refer to the same person as in KBo 4.6, but she does not 
have to be the wife of the king, as asserted by S. R. Bin-Nun 353 . 

C. KUB 22.70: For diverse problems posed by this text and the literature on it reference might be made 
to the comprehensive text edition with commentary by A. Unal 354 and to an article by A. Archi 355 . 
What is relevant here is the chapter on the dating of this text in A. Unal's book 356 , because the 
DUMU.MUNUS GAL problem is discussed in it 357 . A. Unal dates the text to the reign of Tuthaliya- 
Puduhepa, as did A. Kammenhuber 358 . In his article A. Archi argues for a dating in the reign of Mursili 
II but, in my opinion, does not give enough consideration to the arguments supporting a later dating. In 
two reviews G. Beckman 359 and F. Starke 360 endorse the late dating for diverse reasons. In his review V. 
Haas makes no direct statement about the dating of the text 361 . In any case it is important for the 
Kilusnepa identification that a dating of KUB 22.70 to the time of Puduhepa is not impossible. 



DUMU.MUNUS GAL = Kilusnepa ? 

If from the above it may be concluded that all texts in which Kilushepa or DUMU.MUNUS .GAL is 
mentioned could possibly date from the HattuSili III - early Tuthaliya IV period, an identification of 
KiluShepa with DUMU.MUNUS GAL follows as a matter of course because of the occurrence of this 
title(?) alongside of the name KiluShepa on the bullae Korucutepe 2.2.A and 2.2. B. 



353 S.R. Bin-Nun, 7%e Tawananna..., TdH 5, 256: "... the DUMU.MUNUS GAL, obviously the king's wife..." 

354 A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6. 

355 A. Archi, "Le testimonianze oraculari per la regina Tawananna", SMEA 22, 1980, 19-29. 

356 A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6, 36-52. 

357 A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6, 51. 

358 A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 147 ff. See text edition for earlier views on dating of KUB 22.70. 

359 G. Beckman, review of A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext... (TdH 6), JAOS 101, 1981, 410-41 1. 

360 F. Starke, review of A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext. ..(TdH 6), Or. 50, 466. 

361 V. Haas, review of A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext... (TdH 6), BiOr 36, 1979, 58-60. He remarks that when this text 
was recorded the office of Tawananna had already passed to the queen. The comments in note 346 probably 
apply to this text (a special sort of oracle text) as well. With regard to the statemen of A. Archi, "Le 
testimonianze...", SMEA 22, 21 that the title Tawananna in only one text (KUB 36.89) pertains to Puduhepa, it 
should be noted that in "The propaganda...", SMEA 14, 194 27 the same author finds reason in KUB 12.5 for 
Puduhepa possibly having held the office of Tawananna under her son Tuthaliya IV. In addition Tawananna in 
KUB 31.136 Rev. iii 2 ff. refers to Puduhepa (Cf. V. Haas, Der Kult von Nerik, 1 6 4 and 1 96). 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



67 



That could imply that this designation applies exclusively to KiluShepa. Naturally much is still 
uncertain and obscure regarding the identification and it seems hardly feasible to present any 
certainties without new data 362 . Nevertheless a few conclusions can be drawn from the above: 

1. Since it is no longer necessary to identify DUMU.MUNUS GAL with GaSSuliyawiya and with 
the period of Mursili II, the question of the significance of this title is open to discussion again 363 . 

2. There would seem to be no other possible translation of DUMU.MUNUS GAL 364 than 'daughter 
of the great', 'great daughter' = 'eldest daughter' = 'crown princess' 365 and 'princess' 366 , also as 
description for the spouse of a reigning monarch who has not yet become Tawananna. In consequence 
of the interpretations of KBo 4.6, everyone has hitherto assumed that the 'title' was used for different 
persons, first for Gassuliyawiya and then for the unknown wife of Tuthaliya IV 367 . For the present I 
assume it applied to one person, but admit the possibility that this designation was also used in earlier 
times. 

3. It must be assumed that under (her brother?) Tuthaliya, Kilushepa once more played a role at the 
Hittite court 368 . A pointer in this direction is that in KUB 40.80 mention is made of the death of 



An important piece of information concerning KiluShepa emerges from KUB 56. 14. Rev. iv 1 ff. runs as 
follows: (1) W MUNUS UMMEDA ku-is MUNUS.LUGAL { Ki-lu-us-he-pa-an-na (2) [sa]l-la-nu-us-ki-it nu-wa- 
ra-as im-ma EGIR-pa ma-a-an (3) Tl-es-ta ..., etc. (4) nu-wa-mu me-mi-is-ki-iz-zi "And the children's nurse who 
reared the queen and KiluShepa was in some way or another (3) alive again etc. (4) and she said to me: ..." The 
text is somewhat reminiscent of KUB 31.77, in which almost the same expression is used for Puduhepa's father 
who in her dream is alive again in some way or another: i 8 ff. ... nu-wa za-as-hi-ya A-BU-YA (9) ma-a-an EGIR- 
pa TI-es-sa-an-za-pdi' ', etc. Technically there could possibly be a join between the two texts, although KUB 
56.14 could actually be a broader tablet than KUB 3 1 .77. The lack of any further text in column iii of KUB 3 1 .77 
whereas there is a beginning of column iv in KUB 56.14 argues against a join which is ascertained by Prof. 
Klengel after collation. In view of the contents of KUB 56.14, in which reference is made to the capture of Nerik 
by HattuSili III (although his name is not specified), a dating under Puduhepa as MUNUS.LUGAL is certain. It 
can therefore be inferred from the text that the same children's nurse brought up both Puduhepa and KiluShepa. 
The only conclusion we can safely draw from this, however, is that KiluShepa was either a daughter or sister of 
Puduhepa. Since the children's nurse was fully cognizant of the way HattuSili and Puduhepa made Nerik 
habitable, it is likely, but no more than that, that she was in Hattusa at that time and hence accompanied 
Puduhepa from Kizzuwatna in order to rear a child of Puduhepa. 

363 For example, the discussion has not as yet taken account of the designation of the daughter of HattuSili III and 
Puduhepa who was given in marriage to Ramses II in 1255 and who is called in Egyptian "great daughter" (or 
"daughter of the great"!) on the Heiratsstele. Rendered as "alteste Tochter" by E. Edel. In the treaty with the 
Hittites, "the great" refers to Puduhepa. Cf. E. Edel, "Weitere Briefe aus der Heiratskorrespondenz Ramses' II: 
KUB III 37 + KBo 1 17 und KUB III 57", in: Fs. Alt, 1953, 29-63 (p. 62 +1 ). 

364 Preferably written like this than with a period mark between MUNUS and GAL. 

365 A. Kammenhuber, A. Unal. 

356 Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, H.G. Gilterbock, S.R. Bin-Nun, O.R. Gurney, F. Starke et al. 

367 For example O.R. Gurney, A. Kammenhuber (as opposed to her earlier viewpoint that a sister of Tuthaliya 
was thus designated), A. Unal. 

368 On the grounds of her appearance in KUB 22.70 and the letter KBo 18.1. 



68 



Part One 



Kilushepa without any indication of her position, her husband and the name Isuwa, i.e. in a text in 
which occur many persons who have a certain connexion with the Hittite court. 

4. I cannot explain why Kilushepa is written in one part of the texts and DUMU.MUNUS GAL in 
another. Since the title occurs exclusively in the period of Hattusili ffl/Tuthaliya IV, Puduhepa being 
MUNUS.LUGAL in both of them, circumstances must be sought which apply specifically to these 
persons: Puduhepa remains MUNUS.LUGAL after the death of Hattusili, does the eldest daughter 
become DUMU.MUNUS GAL as from that moment and does she retain that designation after her 
marriage to a 'foreign' monarch? Is this designation connected only with the daughter of Puduhepa? 
Does the fact that no name is known of a queen alongside of Tuthaliya IV (let alone the fact that we 
have no idea when he married) have anything to do with the designation 369 ? 

As long as the chronological sequence of the texts remains uncertain, it is difficult to answer these 
questions, including the question whether KiluShepa alone bore this 'title'. The mention on one and the 
same tablet of DUMU.MUNUS GAL and Ga§suliyawiya, who was given in marriage to Benteslna of 
Amurru during Hattus>ili's reign (KBo 1.8), does nothing to clarify matters, especially since Puduhepa 
could have prayed on behalf of her daughter after their departure, just as in Isuwa she made vows on 
behalf of her grandson(?). 



n PihaAj ( m Pihatarhunda and m Pihatarhuntassa?) (NH no. 971 + suppl.) 



Texts: 

1: KBo 16.83 iii 1 (CTH 242); 

2: KUB 6.40:3 (CTH 582); 

3: KUB 13.35 iii 13 (CTH 293); 

4: KUB 16.60 iii 13 (CTH 579); 

5: KUB 18.12+ i 14, [22], 44, 50 and ii 4 (CTH 564); 

6: KUB 22.30 Obv. 22 (CTH 573); 

7: KUB 22.61 iv 1 1 (CTH 578); 

8: KUB 48.118 Obv. 22; 

9: KUB 48.123 i 10 and ii 17. 



The only indication of a woman in his company is the mention of the children of Tuthaliya, but it is not certain 
whether there was an official queen at his side. Could the statement that he feels lonely and requests that his 
mother visit him (KBo 18.6) indicate that he was unmarried at the beginning of his reign? 



Presentation of the Hittite Votive Texts 



69 



Elsewhere: Mesk. 73.1012, Mesk. 73.1019, RS 1.148, Paris 40 370 . 

Because of the spelling PihatarhuntaSsa 371 in text 8, this person with a Luwian name must be 
distinguished from the persons named Pihatarhunda in other texts. There are various officials thus 
designated and we know, in any case, two professions linked with this name which are difficult to 
combine in one person: a doctor ( LU A.ZU) in text 9 and the head of the material or the objects (EN 
UNUTT) in text l 372 . A third designation of profession is in text 3 where the (damaged) personal name 
is possibly qualified by LU SAG 373 , a palace official 374 . 

We can infer from text 7 that the doctor of text 9 is the son of a doctor who previously gave 
Hattusili III a herb for his eye-disease. Since it is a description of an incident in the past, text 7 need not 
be older than text 9. Probably the same person is also responsible for the observation of bird oracles 375 
in text 2, 4, 5 and 6, although no profession is specified here. The close relationship doctor - reciter - 
priest - augur is also known from Assyria and Egypt 376 . 

f Zamuwatti (NH no. 1531): 

Texts: 

1:KUB 15.8 i 4' (CTH 590); 

2: KUB 16.55 iv 9 (CTH 579); 

3: KUB 31.67 iv 3' (CTH 590); 

4: KUB 31.71 iii 26, 28 (CTH 297). 

Since Zamuwatti also occurs in the texts without any specification of her profession, we can only 

surmise what it was. In all texts her appearance is connected with a dream. Hence we can assume that 

the same person is involved in all of them. In text 4 she asks for the horses present in the palace, as 

Puduhepa says, and receives some of them, the rest being allotted to a certain Uwa. Possibly this same 

Uwa occurs in an obscure context in the oracle texts KBo 24.129 and KUB 6.34. There mention is 



370 D. A. Kennedy, "Sceaux hittites conserves a Paris", RHA 17, 1959, 147-172 (p. 160 f.). The name is listed 
without determinative of divinity. 

371 ... m Pi-ha- D U-ta-as-sa-wa ] -r[a] as opposed to elsewhere m Pi-ha-\i or ^Pi-ha-^-as. 

372 The respective professions are mentioned in F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri. .., 1 19 f. and 36. 

373 Judging from the copy, a reading A.ZU instead of SAG does not seem likely. 

374 R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle, StBoT 4, 11 and F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri..., 513 ff. 

375 Texts mentioned by A. Archi, "L'ornitomanzia ittita", SMEA 16, 1975, 1 19-180 (p. 124 and 133). 

E. Edel, Agyptische Ante und dgyptische Medizin am hethitischen Konigshof. Neue Funde von Keilschrifttexte 
Ramses II aus Bogazkoy, 1976, 53 ff. Cf. also A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., 137 ff. 



70 



Part One 



made of a dream of the queen in which someone tells the queen something about the 'house' of Uwa 
(line 1 1), someone of (the house of) Uwa who "laid" the eyes (line 12) 377 and the house of Uwa is 
again mentioned in lines 15 and 17 378 . Uwa could therefore be the head of a group of temple employees. 
At the end of a paragraph of text 3, mention is made of the female servants (of?) (and) Zamuwatti, but 
no conclusions can be drawn from this regarding her position. 

In text 1 queen Puduhepa could possibly make for Zamuwatti a vow to the Stormgod of heaven for 
the sake of the king's health 379 . Zamuwatti could have been charged with the magic cure of the king 
and she could have requested that the Stormgod of heaven be satisfied. That she received some of the 
horses she asked for could feasibly be an indication of her 'power'. The fact that in text 2 she is 
mentioned in conjunction with Zuzuli in a passage too fragmentary to provide definite data on her 380 
could mean that Zuzuli is the same temple official (supervisor of objects, metal founder) as the Zuzuli 
mentioned under 2 in NH no. 1590. To sum up, Zamuwatti may perhaps be said to have been 
employed in the palace in Hattusa as adviser on dreams to the royal couple. 



377 [. . .] ku-is-ki $A { U-wa-a IGI.HI.A-wa da-a-is. 

378 "House" means an economic work-unit in the temple, as it frequently occurs in KUB 15.17+ (H. Otten/V. 
Soucek, Die Geliibde..., StBoT 1). 

379 For the restoration see the relevant text. The promise of a sign of life and a pair of silver eyes prompts the 
assumption that he suffered from an eye disease. 

380 With A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6, 46. 



PART TWO: 
CORPUS OF TEXTS 



1. CTH 583: Dreams of the king 



KUB 15.5 + KUB 48.122 1 

Transliteration KUB 15.5 + KUB 48.122 

Obv. 1 

1 ^AMAR^™-/* 2 W tih? x 3 [ 

2 UM-MA f He-pa-SXJM A-NA DINGJR-LIM GAL-wa-r[a-an pi-ya-an-z\i 

3 ka-ru-u pi-ya-an 

4 INIM * M YA-AS-PU \]-TUM to La-a[r-sa-asl " M Y[A-A$-PU-un 4 

5 ha-lis-si-ya-an-zi UM-MA { He-pa-S[\JM] 

6 A-NA DINGIR-LIM GAL-wa-ra-an pi-ya-an-z[i ]x[ pi-y]a-an-zi 



XJ-it ku-it me-mi-ir TTJG- ma^-ya-iwa 5 A-NA]? U D(?-nu- he'-pa 



pi-an-du UM-MA f He-pa-SUM TUG-[wa 



]x 



A-NA DINGIR-LIM GAL pi-an-du na-a-w[f\ 



10 



IJ-TUM EGIR-an pa-ra-a da^a^-i-is 6 



For a new join of this text, see my article "A New Fragment of KUB 15. 5+", in: M. Alparslan-Dogan/M. 
Alparslan/H. Peker (ed.), VITA. Festschrift in Honor ofBelkis Dingol andAli Dincol, 2007, 633-636. 

2 For the proper name see NH no. 1734, to which this passage must be added. 

3 It is possible to read D after tl-it. 

4 Wrongly given as La[-. . .-y]a-as-pu-un with comment: "Akk.(?)" in RGTC 6, 573. The only name suitable 
for restoration is Larsas. 

5 The remarkable combination -ma-ya prompts the assumption that for TUG another Hittite word as well as 
waspa- can be read and that from it could derive the Hittite complement -ma. [§A] is another possible 
restoration instead of [A-NA]. 

6 In "Sporadische Univerbierungen von Adverbien und Verba Composita", Fs. H.G. Giiterbock, 151-164 (p. 
154 +n ), A. Kammenhuber's proposed reading is da-\m]a-i-is. The translation "Traum, wieder ein anderer...", 
however, is just as odd as that with da-{a)-i-is as reading. In my opinion it is not likely that a pronouncement 



72 



Part Two 



1 1 pa-ra-a-ma A-ru-mu-ra-as m[e]- mi -is-ki-iz-zi 

12 a-si-wa-kan AMA. AMA-KA ku-w[a]- at -pat HUL-/w ti-ya-an har-zi 

13 KASKAL-si-ma-wa-ra-an-kdn U-UV da-it-ti 

14 ki-mi-un-ma-wa-as-si DVG DXJi x A[ ]ZABAR pa-a-i 

15 nu-wa-ra-as-za-kdn an-da [wd]-ar-si-ya-zi 

1 6 C/M-M4 fe-pa-SUM D[UG] DU 10 x A ZABAR-wa 

17 ,4-TV/l DINGIR-I/M GAL l pi^-ya- 1 an^-zi na-a-wi 



1 8 XJ-TUM^STU-SI [ \]-i?-wa-im? ku-is-ki me-mi-is-ta 

1 9 2 UDU SIG 7 . SIG 7 -wa A-N [A] M ISTAR LIL 1 UDU am-ba-as-si 

20 1 UDU-wa-wa ki- 1 el-di'-ya pa-a-i UM-MA { He-pa-SUM 

2 1 2 UDU-wa ^-A^ DINGIR-Z/[M GA]L pi-an-zi ka-ru-u SUM-a« 



22 
23 
24 
25 

26 
27 
28 
29 

44' 
45' 
46' 



]x SIG 5 -«5-Aa« 7 EGIR-aw a«-Ja u-it 
]x-is-ki-it s nu-us-si 3 7M-/MZ GU4.HI.A 
\pi-an-zi UM-M]A f He-pa-SUM 3 TA-PAL ^U^.HI.A-wa 

^-M4 DINGIR-Z,/MGAL/?/-a]«-z; fa/-rw-w SUM-i'r 



(-War-su-ul-la-af L " r£-M[7 
1 ha-an 1 IS-PUR 
] [ 



ma-a]h- [ ha-an 1 IS-PUR 



]x[ 



]x[ ]x-p;' n r ^-A^ ] [ 



]x-it w 
l^.MtESJ^ABAR 1 ;-^ 



nu-w]a-ra-at ma-a-an is-ta-an-ta-nu-si-ya 



on the amount or variety in dreams fits into the text. L. Zuntz, Die hethitischen Otrsadverbien arha, para, 
piran als selbstandige Adverbien und in ihrer Verbindung mit Nomina und Verba, 1936, 81 also reads a 
verbal form. On the photograph of the tablet nothing more possible -ma can be discerned, but the sign -ma 
fits into the available space, whereas -a only needs half of it. 

7 Cf. NH no. 1714. Is m "U.SIGs-u* possible after all with this spelling (NH no. 1728)? 

8 -mi- can certainly not be read before -is-ki-it. 
9 Cf.NH,218no. 1676. 

10 As from this line the text has been published as KUB 48.122, sometimes with the end of the lines in KUB 
15.5. 

11 There is not enough left of the sign to read -wa in ku-w]a-pi. 



Corpus of Texts 



73 



47' 
48' 
49' 
50' 
51' 



SU ,MES-az-ma-wa-ra-at ki-nu-un e-ip 

nu-wa-as-si a-as-su kat-ta-ya-wa A-NA DUMU-KA a-as-su 

UM-MA ^e-pa-SUM E.MES ZABAR-vra 

i-ya-an-zi nu-wa-ra-at A-NA DINGIR-I/MGAL 

SUM-a«-z/ na-a-wi 



52' 
53' 
54' 
55' 



tS-^TUM 1 D UTU-57U-/?GIM-a« D UTU-57 12 10UDU.HI.A 
A -NA LU.MES ga-wa-an-ni-ya-as ma-ni-ya-ah-ta 
UM.MA { He-pa-SUM 10 UDU.HI.A-wa 
[ A^-NA DINGIR-ZJMGAL SUM-an-zi ka-ru-u SUM-an 



Obv. 2 

2' x[ 

3' r 



g\i-nu-wa-as GAM-a«[ 
UM-MA f He]-pa-SXJM 



4 ' A-NA r DINGIR-Z/M GM}-[wa-ra-a\n i-ya-an-zi [ 



B ] 



5' 
6' 

7' 



1 GAL KU.BABBAR ^U-IfR 14 ]-^ \J-it 



A-NA INIM ha?-x x \ 
AS-SUMNIG.BA x[ 



] 
UM-M]A f He-pa-SUM 



,r.i 



1 GAL KU.BABBAR-wa 'A [ -N[A DmGlR-LIMGALpi-ya-an-z]i na-a- 1 



L./1 



\J-TUM m Eh-li-V[SIN y 



]x 



10' i En-ta-an-ni-i[s 11 



1 It would seem that a sort of WA has been written instead of the sign UT the second time. The first UTU is 
correctly represented on the tablet, unlike what the copy suggests. 

13 Something could formerly have been written under the present line 4'. A small 5 has been placed just 
under A-NA. On the photograph it seems as if the figure is scratched into the tablet. 

14 The same proper name also occurs in KUB 40.80 6, 11 and 16 (cf. H. Klengel, "Nochmals zu Isuwa", 
Or. Ant. 15, 89) and possibly in KUB 15.30 ii 2. Not mentioned in NH. 

A possible reading is har-n[a-u-wa-as. Although not much of the sign can be discerned, what remains 
could be -n[a. Translation: "The matter of the birth-stool". 

In Hattusili III, TdH 3, 1 1 8 f, A. Unal considered a restoration with -SIN impossible because of the dating 
of the name, but from his Ein Orakeltext..., TdH 6, 47 it appears that he now dates the texts in question 
(KUB 26.66 // KBo 18.153 ) in the reign of Hattusili HI. A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 150 says 
they are texts from the period of Tuthaliya TV. For that matter H. Winckler (in H. Otten/V. Sou£ek, Das 
Geliibde..., StBoT 1, 10 2 already read m Eh-li-[ D SIN in what is now KUB 56.1, from the period of Puduhepa. 
KUB 15.5 ii 9' is not mentioned in NH no. 226. 



74 



Part Two 



1 1 ' nu-wa-as-si IQ-BI [ 

12' /fcw-w&fGUSKIN[ 

1 3 ' pi-ra-an kat-ta [ 

14' nu-wa-ra-as ar-h[a 

15' ma-a-an-ma-wa-ra-a[n 

16' nu-waA-NA^ITU-SlI 

17' nu-wa-ra-an-mu [ 

1 8 ' UM-MA f /7[e-pa-SUM 

19' E.DING1R-LIM i-y[a-an-zi 

20' a-pi-ya [ 



2 1 ' /1-M4 INIM nM Y[A-A§-PU 

22' ha-lis-si-ya-an-du [ UM-MA f He-pa-SUM] 

23' 1 ma-na-wa n KU.BABBAR [A-NA DTNGIR-LIM GAL pi-ya-an-zi] 



24' 
25' 
26' 

27' 



U-71/M&4 r GAL ] [ 
dam -me-la-as 19 D\J-s[i 
SA °U KARA§ [ 
nu-wa-ra-at A -[NA 



31' 



[ 



] ar-ha x x x x 



32' 
33' 
34' 
35' 
36' 
37' 



[za-as-hi-ya ku-i]t A-NA D UTU-<S7 me-mi-ir 

[A-NA D I-ya]-ar-ri-wa ku-ii 10 

[A-NA KASKAL URU ] ' ' A^-ra-u-un-na se-ir SISKUR>-e£-fa 

[ki-nu-nd]- wa -as-si A-NA KASKAL URU Ga-as-ga se-ir 

[SISKUR pa-a-ji 1 1 BI-IB-RU A^V.GXJV^RA^ G\5§¥J^-ya-wa-as-si 

[ GlS MA]R.GID 21 GU&YJN-yapa-a-i 



17 Commentaries on MUNUS Entanni are in E. von Schuler, "Eine hethitische Rechtsurkunde aus Ugarit", 
UF3, 1971, 223-234 (p. 225), E. Laroche, "Glossaire de la langue hourrite I", RHA 34, 1976, 82, and F. 
Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri..., 1982, 384 f. 

18 The reading 1 MA.NA-wa etc. could be considered, but must be rejected, with CHD L-N, 162, because the 
particle -wa never occurs in comparable texts. 

For the reading dam-me-la-as see NH, 236. 
20 Restoration in accordance with line 46 '-47'. 



Corpus of Texts 



75 



38' [UM]-MA { He-pa-S\JM A-NA DINGIR-Z/M GAL-wa-ra-at SXJM- [ an-zi 1 



39' 
40' 
41' 

42' 
43' 
44' 
45' 



za-as-hi-ya-kan ku-is Ya-ar-ri-is 2 

A-NA UR.MAH ar-ta-at ' ALAM'-ma-as-si 

SA °U i-wa-ar e-es-ta 

A-^NA 1 D UTU-Sl ku-it \J-it me-mi-ir 

SA A-BI^STU-Sl-wa-ra-as UM-MA ! He-pa-SUM 

a-pa-a-at-wa ALAM QA-TAM-MA-pdt i-ya-an-zi 

nu-wa-ra-at A-NA DINGIR-ZJMGAL SUM-an-zi 



46' za-as-hi-ya ku-it A-NA ^TU -Si me-mi-ir 

47' D I-ya-ar-ri-in-wa-za ALAM MUNUS-77 

48' hu-u-pi-ga-u-wa-an-za i-ya UM-MA f He-pa-SUbA 

49' ^Ya-ar-ri-in-wa ALAM MUNUS-77 

50' hu-u-pi-ga-u-wa-an-za i-ya-an-zi 

5 1 ' nu-wa-ra-an A-NA DINGIR-IZM GAL SUM-an-zi 



52' 
53' 
54' 
55' 



za-as-hi-ya r GEM 1 -a« m UR.MAH-LU-w 

A-NA ^UTU-SI me-mi-is-ki-it 

^XJ-wa ^GlM^-an IT-TI LUGAL KUR ^Ha^a^-pis-so 

UIT-TIUJGAL KUR ^I-su-wa TUKU.TUKU-w-^w-za 1 



Rev. 3 

1 nu IGI.DUg.A.HIA GIM-aw 2 SI 2 GAL r KU.BABBAR-.ya 1 SUM-fr 23 

2 UM-MA f 77e-pa-SUM 2 Sl-wa 2 GAL r KU.BABBAR ] -^ 



21 As possible restoration, H. Ertem, Bogazkoy metinlerine gore Hititler devri Anadolu 'sunun faunas i, 1965, 
123 f. gives AK\- NA -BU "hare". Regarding traces, just as plausible as GI MA]R.GID. Nevertheless the latter 
has my preference, because of the travel aspect of the text. 

22 ^Ya-ar-ri-is: -ri- not on copy, but present on tablet (as in HAB, 223). After collation by S. Alp, the same 
name with -ri- can also be read in HT 14:8 (HAB l.c). Bildbeschreibungen, 62 gives the correct spelling, 
whilst HE n, 47 does not give -ri-. 

23 In the original the lines of this column are written very close together. 



76 



A-NA DINGIR-ZJMGAL 



Part Two 
SUM-an-zi 



4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 

22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 



U-7Z/M D UTU-& f Da-nu-he-pa-as ma-ah-ha-an 

A-NA D UTU-SI me-mi-is-ki-it ^U-wa-kdn ku-it 

ne-pi-si it-iz-zi nu-wa-at-ta sal-la-kar-ta-<tar> 

li-e KAR-z* UM-MA D UTU-&-M4 

A-NA °U-wa ka-ru-u ZA.HUM GUSKIN DU-nu-un 

UM-MA t Da-nu-he-pa U-UL-wa-ra-as SlG=,-an-za 

UM-MA LUGAL KUR mv Ha-ak-pis-sa-MA A-NA °U-wa 

ku-e 0& hu-hu-pa-a-la ™ M ZPJ GTid-ya me-mi-is-ta 

ku-wa-at-wa-ra-at-si U-UL pi -es-ta 

UM-MA { He-pa-SUM alS hu-hu-pa-la-wa NA4 ZA.GIN-^a 

A-NA DTNGlR-LIMGALpi-an-zi 

U-TUM m Hi-e$-mi-ya SA D ISTAR LIL 
INIM MUNUS.MES Az-zi-en-na-as-kdn ku-wa-pi 
KU.BABBAR GU 4 UDU IR-u-as an-da nu ^UTU-SI ku-it 
^A-NA 1 D I$TAR LIL SA °UTU-5/ KU.BABBAR GU 4 .HI.A UDU.HI A AD-DIN 
^UM^-MA f He-pa-SUM A-NA D I$TAR UL-wa-ra-as-kdn 
EGIR -pa ar-ha da-an-zi 
[nu-w]a-ra-as A-NA DINGIR-i/MGAL SUM-an-zi 

l U 1 -TUM D UTU-$I D I$TAR LIL ku-it A-NA D UTU-& 
[° lS MA.UR]U.URU 6 IS-TU GlS KAK.U.TAG.GA su-u-wa-an-da- 1 an* 5 



x[ 



6 ]ku-ut-ti-ma-kdn GAD-ya IR-ta §A D UTU-Sl-y[a] 



[D \l$TAR LIL] GI§ GIGIR QA-DU GlS MA.URU.URU 6 
[ ] r IRlto na-at A-NA D I$TAR LIL ku- l i? 

[ka-ru-u SUM]-an UM-MA { He-pa-SUM 



24 I have chosen the form sallakartatar, since that of sallakarta is incomprehensible. Cf. H.G. Gtiterbock, 
"Zu einigen...", Cor. Ling., 65 f. In HW Erg. 1, J. Friedrich also suggests &allakarta<tar> . MUNUS Lakarta 
is still given in HE II, 47. EHS, 478 also considers -ta-tar- preferable to to. 

25 Cf. K.K. Riemschneider, "Hethitische Fragmente historischen Inhalts aus der Zeit Hattu3ili§ III.", JCS 16, 
1962, 110-121 (p. 113). 

26 Although u-e-ik-ta could be a possible restoration as regards meaning and available space, IR-to in lines 24 
and 25 renders it unlikely. 



Corpus of Texts 



77 



28 
29 



[A-NA D ISTAR LTL]-kdn 21 ar-ha da-an-zi 

[nu-wa-ra-at A-NA DIN]GIR-ZJMGAL 28 SUM-an-zi ka-ru-^ii 1 



30 
31 



[ 



]x GIM- r an A-NA D UTU-& 1 [ 
M 



40' 
41' 
42' 
43' 
44' 



««(-)[ 

r {/M 1 -[M4 ^e-pa-SUM 

an.barsag. i du 1 [ 
a-na dingir-i/m^al 1 



45' 
46' 
47' 
48' 
49' 



U-TUM D [UTU-SI ] ^ku-in 1 UR. ^AH 1 [ZU 9 AM.SI 29 ] 

SA E D x [ a-us-ta] 

zi-iq-qa [ ]QA-TAM-MA i-ya 

UM-MA { H[e-pa-SUM UR.JMAH ZU 9 AM.SI-W [DU-an-zi] 

nu-wa-ra-an ^-[NA DINGI]R-ZJMGAL SUM-an-zi 



50' 

51' 
52' 
53' 



U-TUM D [UTU-SI] mno ha-az-zi-ya-as GIM-an 

A-NA D UT[U-&UD]U ?31 .HIA U-it IR-to 

UM-^MA 1 [ { He-pa-SU]M 1 LI-IMUDU-wa ha-an-da-a[n-zi] 

nu-wa- ra -[an A-NA DINGI]R-ZJMGAL su-up-pi-ya-ah-ha- an-zi 



27 In view of line 19, [A-NA D I§TAR LYL-wa-ra-ai\-kdn could be expected, but^4-A^4 up to and including LIL 
in line 19 already covers 1.4 cm on the tablet, whereas altogether there is 1.5 cm available in 28. 

28 Restoration in accordance with line 21. 

29 Restoration in accordance with the translation of Dreams, 193. The text must have extended far beyond the 
edge in line 45' and 48'. The tablet itself, being convex, has more space than appears from the copy. In line 
53' the text discernibly extends beyond the edge. In line 48' I have not adopted H.G. Giiterbock's version i- 
ya-an-zi ("Ivory in Hittite Texts", Anadolu 15, 1971, 1-7 (p. 3)) because of the space available. I have also 
omitted the figure 1 before UR.MAH. 

30 The remains of the sign before ha-az etc. could be a determinative of a male personal name. The name 
Hazziya does not occur in other texts. B. Rosenkranz, "GlossenkeilwSrter aus den veroffentlichten 
Bogazkoy-Texten", JKF 1, 1950, 189-198 (p. 191) places a question mark at this passage. 

31 UD]U is uncertain as regards remains of the sign. Moreover quite a lot of space is available. UDU.NITJA 
could be considered, but then careless writing with two vertical wedges instead of one must be assumed. 



78 



Part Two 



54' na-an-s[i SUM]-an-zi 



55' 
56' 



ruDU-ws 1 [ 



]x-zu-wa-ma-wa ku-i-e-es IR- to 
](-) na -as ar-ha pa-pdr-sa-an- zi 2 



Rev. 4 



\\J-T]UM m Hi-es-mi-ya nu A-NA GU 4 f hur-ri ki?-it 33 



[ 



]x-an se-ir LAL SUM-ir UM-MA f He-pa-SU[M] 



LJ 



[ki]- nu -un-wa-ra-an A-NA DIMG1R-LIM GAL pi-ya-an-zi 



D I$TAR VRV Du-ii-pa A-NA °UTU-57 ' U [ -it 

1 si-it-tar GUSKIN 16 GIN 2 GU 4 7 UDU-ja IR-to 



L.J 



UM-MA 'He-pa-SUMA-NA DINGJR-LIM GAL- [ wa'-ra-at SUM-an-zi 



7 D LAMMA LIL ti-it A-NA rD UTU-& 1 1 si-ip-pa-an-da-wa- 1 ar? KU.BABBAR 

8 [sa]rl-la-i-mi-[in] x [ lR-t]a 

9 [UM-MA] [{] H[e-pa-SUM A-NA DINGIR-I/M GAL-wa-ra-an SUM-an]-zi 

10 [ 

11' [ UM-MA] 

13' { { He-pa-SUM A-NA] DINGIR-L/M GAL-wa-ra-at SUM-an-zi] 



14' 
15' 



]xU-ii GUSKIN m-x-x-x[ 

]pa?-is-ti-in-na 10 MA.NA KU.BABBAR GU 4 x[ 



32 According to H. Often ("Eine Lieferungsliste...", WdO 2, 479), the spelling pa-pdr-sa-an-zi only occurs 
here. He thinks it conceivable that -na-as is the ending of a word signifying a liquid. 

33 Lines 1 up to and including 9 are taken from KUB 48.122 Rev.4. The last signs of lines 6, 7 and 9 can be 
seen on page 10 of KUB 15. In any case the remnants of the first -zi must come from line 6, for on the copy it 
is drawn one line too high on page 10. KU.BABBAR corresponds with the end of line 7 and -zi with the end 
of line 9. The remaining lines of column 4 on page 1 1 are probably numbered one too high, since three lines 
per paragraph up to line 19 would seem likely. 



Corpus of Texts 
16' [ UM-MA] ^e-pa-SUM A-NA DINGIR-LIMGAL-wa-ra-at f SUM^an-zi] 



79 



17' 
18' 
19' 

20' 
21' 

22' 
23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 
27' 

28' 
29' 
30' 
31' 

32' 
33' 

34' 
35' 



]IS-TU ^NUNUZ 1 is-ga-ra-an-za 
]U-zYIR-ta UM-MA { He-pa-SUM 
A-NA DINGIR-I/M GA]L- W-ra-'ai 1 SUM-an-zi 



]ku-ih^-es 2 URU.HI.A I-NA xmi Kum-man-ni r IR 1 -*|>] 
UM-MA f He-pa-S\JMA]-NA DINGIR-LIM GAL-wa-ra-as SUM-an-zi 



]x NA4 ZA.GIN 
]x IR-to a-ri-e-ir 
]- wa-ra -at 



]- en -na-ir 



]U-if[ ]-x-x 34 
]x UM-MA ^e-pa-SUM 
SUM-a]n-zi 

] 
]x[A-NA DINGIjR-^/MGAL 135 SUM-an-zi 



36 A]- ^NA 1 A-BI ^UTU 1 -^ VS-it IR-to 
UM-M]A ( He-pa-SUM A-NA DTNGIR-LIM GAL-wa-ra-as SUM-an-^i 1 



36' [INI]M U 37 44 r GiN ] KU.BABBAR 44 UDU A-NA MUNUS.LUGAL 



34 Part of a paragraph divider can be seen above this line. The signs at the end of this line are difficult to 
distinguish in the photograph. A possible -LUM-za has therefore not been put in the text. 

35 There is too little space at the beginning of the line for the expected UM-MA f He-paS\JM. On the grounds 
of collation DINGIR-i/A/GAL can be filled in before SUM-an-zi. More can be seen of LIM than is drawn on 
the copy. The vertical stroke drawn too close to GAL is possible not the remnant of a wedge. 

36 There was probably an ace. pi. before A]-NA as the dir. obj. of IR-to. This ace. reappears in 35' as -as. The 
readings-Mi, cf. KUB 15.5+ iii 51'. 



80 

37' 
38' 
39' 



Part Two 



1 ME 44 38 GIN KU.BABBAR r l ] ME 44 UDU A-NA GIDIM.HI.A 



dam-me-es-ha-an- da -as SUM-e-ir 
pu-nu-us-sa-an-zi 



44' colophon: 



u-e-ku-wa- ar 



Translation KUB 15.5 + KUB 48.122 

Obv. 1 

1 Regarding the fact that AMAR MUSEN -i through a dream [ 

2 Thus (said) Hepapiya: "On[e shall give it] to the great god." 39 

3 Already given. 

4 The matter of the jasper. A dream. The jasper (of) the (river) La[rsa?] 

5 they shall mount (in metal). 40 Thus (said) Hepapi[ya:] 

6 "They shall give it to the great god." [ they] shall give. 

7 When through a dream one said: [To] Danuhepa a garment they must also 

8 give, thus (said) Hepapiya: "A garment 

9 they must give to the great god." Not yet (given). 

10 A dream. Later she explained it. 41 

1 1 And thereby Arumura said: 

12 "Why then 42 has that grandmother of yours done evil? 

1 3 Should you not satisfy her? 43 



[INI]M, with Priere hittite, 7: "Affaires de songes". 

38 The copy has, erroneously, 40 instead of 44 after 1 ME. The translation of F. Sommer, review of KUB 
14.17, Kl. F. 1, 1929, 335-349 (p. 341): "144 ZU Silber" is therefore correct. 

39 According to H.G. Gtiterbock apud Dreams, 193, the "great god" is the god of the sanctuary to which the 
priestess belonged. Cf. H.M. Kummel, Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 3, 88 f. for other texts. 

40 A jasper that must be mounted in metal also occurs in column ii line 21. 

41 See also note to transliteration. The meaning "to explain" for para dai- is not supported by examples 
elsewhere. 

42 Kuwat+pat is not given by HA. Hoffher, "The Hittite Particle -PAT\ in: Fs. H. Otten, 1973, 99-117. A 
possible alternative for "why then" is "in any respect". 

43 For KASKAL-i; tai- (=palsi tai-) "to propitiate (the dead)", see A. Archi, "II dio Zawalli...", AoF 6, 81. 
"To regulate legal proceedings" in the juridical sense of passing judgment in a lawsuit in Ph.H. J. Houwink 



Corpus of Texts 

14 Give her now a bronze washbowl 

1 5 And she will show herself satisfied] with it." 44 

16 Thus (said) Hepapiya: "A bronze washbowl 

17 they shall give to the great god." Not yet (given). 



1 8 Dream of His Majesty. "Through a dream someone spoke to me: 

19 'Give 2 yellow sheep to IStar of the field: 1 sheep for ambassi 

20 and 1 sheep for health.'" 45 Thus (said) Hepapiya: 

21 "They shall give 2 sheep to the great god." Already given. 



22 
23 
24 

25 



[ ]assus appeared again. 

[ ].... and to him [they shall give] 3 pairs of oxen. 

[ .] Thus (said) Hepapiya: "3 pairs of oxen 

[they shall] give [to the great god]." They have already given (them). 



26 

27 
28 
29 



[ 



(-)h]arsullas, a messenger 
a]s he wrote 
] [ 
] [ 



44' [ ] 

45' [ ] "for [ ] you must make bronze hous[es] 

46' .... and if you ... hesitate about that (then I say): 

47' you must grasp them now with (your) hands 



ten Cate, Mursilis II, de bronnen voor een karakterschets, 1966, 17 ff. Also in various passages cited by A. 
final, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 103 and 167 which refer to the angry Sausgatti, "we shall propitiate her" is 
preferable to "we put her on the way". U-UL + (2nd sg.) daitti must represent a question here, for otherwise 
there would have to be le instead of U-UL. Could U-UL have been positioned towards the end of the 
sentence, which is unusual in questions, because of the expected answer: "yes" (Lat. nonne)? A detailed 
study of interrogative sentences, with a possible distinction between "num" and "nonne" sentences is needed 
for the answer. 

44 It hardly seems likely that anda means literally "therein", i.e. in the washbowl. Medial forms of warsiya 
have an abl. meaning "thereby", or else it is accompanied by kata = "with it" (to be satisfied). See E. Neu, 
Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 191. For that matter more research on the verb is needed. 

45 M. Vieyra's translation in: "Les songes et leur interpretation chez les Hittites", in: Les songes et lew 
interpretation, Sources Orientales 2, 1959, 89-98 (p. 93), "Offre deux moutons de belle forme ..." is 
incorrect. For keldi ="health" see E. Laroche, "Glossaire. . . I", RHA 34, 141 f. The meaning of ambassi has 
not yet been determined. Cf. HW 2 , 68 f. 



82 



Part Two 



48' and (it will be) good for him and in addition (it will) also (be) good for your son.' 

49' Thus (said) Hepapiya: "Bronze houses 

50' they shall make and to the great god shall they 

5 1 ' give them." Not yet (given). 

52' Dream of His Majesty. When through a dream the king 10 sheep 

53 ' had allotted to the govranw'-people, 46 

54' thus (said) Hepapiya: "10 sheep 

55' they shall give to the great god." Already given. 



Obv. 2 

2' [ ] under the knees [ 

3' [ Thus (said) He]papiya: 

4' "They shall make it for the great god." 

5' 1 silver goblet. Tarhu-I[R ....] through a dream (or: appeared in a dream) 

6' regarding the matter 47 [of 

7' because of the gift. [ Th]us (said) Hepapiya: 

8' "1 silver goblet [they shall giv]e t[o the great god]." Not yet (given). 

9' Dream of Ehli-[Kusuh 

10' the priestess [ 

1 1 ' and spoke to him [ 

12' which of gold [ 

13' in front downwards [ 

14' and he ... away [ 

1 5 ' And if [you] him [ 

16' and for His Majes[ty. 

17' and him you ... for me [ 

18' Thus (said) H[epapiya: 



46 Gawanni: meaning unknown. 

47 See note on transliteration. 



Corpus of Texts 



83 



19' a temple they shall m[ake 
20' there [ 



2 1 ' Regarding the matter of the j [asper 
22' they must mount (in metal) [ 



Thus (said) Hepapiya:] 



23' "1 silver manawa [they shall give to the great god." ] 



24' Dream of the Great of the [ 

25 ' you will make for new 50 . . . . [ 

26' of the Stormgod of the army 

27' andittfo 



Nothing remains of lines 28 to 30 
31' [ ] ... away 



32' [Regarding the fact that in a dream] one said to His Majesty: 

33' "Because [to Ya]rri you 

34' made an offering for [the campaign to] Araunna, 51 

35' for the campaign to the Gasga (country) you must [now] for him 

36' ma[ke an offering]: Give him 1 golden horse rhyton and 

37' a golden [wa]gon." 

38' Thus (said) Hepapiya: "They shall give them to the great god." 

39' As to Yarn who in a dream 

40' stood on a lion (his form however 

41 ' was like that of the Stormgod) 

42' (and) regarding the fact that through a dream one said to His Majesty: 

43' "(It is) that of the father of His Majesty", thus (said) Hepapiya: 

44' "This statue they shall make exactly so 



48 Cf. column i line 4 ff. 

49 Manawa is a hapax, with unknown meaning. See note on transliteration 

50 



The meaning of dammeli- is based on H.G. Gilterbock, "Lexicographical Notes II", RHA 74, 1964, 95-1 13 
(p. 103 ff.). 
51 Pesta as form of 2nd sg. praet. to be added to HE I §173. See further note to KUB 15.5+ iii 1 1-12. 



84 Part Two 

45 ' and they shall give it to the great god." 



46' Regarding the fact that in a dream one said to His Majesty: 

47' "On behalf of yourself, 52 make Yarri (represented as) a veiled 53 woman, 

48' thus (said) Hepapiya: 

49' "Yarri, (represented as) a veiled woman, 

50' they shall make, 

5 1 ' and they shall give her to the great god." 

52 ' When 54 in a dream UR.MAH-ziti 

53 ' said to His Majesty: 

54' "When the Stormgod (was) angry with the king of the country of HakpisSsa 

5 5 ' and with the king of the country of Isuwa, 



Rev. 3 

1 and when they had to give as gifts 2 horns and 2 silver goblets 55 

2 thus (said) Hepapiya: "2 horns and 2 silver goblets 

3 they shall give to the great god." 

4 Dream of His Majesty. When Danuhepa 

5 said to His Majesty: "Take care that the Stormgod 

6 now that he will come to heaven, 

7 finds no negligence 56 in you", thus (said) His Majesty: 



52 -za remarkably accompanies i-ya, hence rendered as "on behalf of yourself." 

53 "Veiled" as translation of hupiga/tawant- is uncertain. According to Th.P.J. van den Hout, "Einige 
luwische Neutra auf -§a/-za in iiberwiegend junghetbitischen Texten", KZ 97, 1984, 60-80, hupigawanza 
could possibly be a Luwian part. sg. N. form in -an + the Luwian morpheme sa (changed to za before an ri). 
This would explain the gender of this part./adj. belonging to the neuter ALAM (Hittite N. esri, Luwian N. 
tarusa). Many forms ending in -anza could thus be explained as neuter forms. (For example nepis 
palhamanza ausdu in KUB 35.145 Rev. 7, mentioned as problem in E. Laroche, review of KBo 13, 16 and 
KUB 40, OLZ 66, 1971, 147-150 (p. 149). For a possible relationship between hupigawant and T(lG hubiki, see 
E. Laroche, "Notes de linguistique anatolienne", RHA 68, 1961, 25-37 (p. 25 f). 

54 In his translation E. Laroche {Priere hittite, 6) has three equivalent subordinate clauses, introduced by 
"comment", with no differences in punctuation and conjunctive particles. 

55 I have represented SUM-zr as imper. de conatu because Hepapiya's judgement probably had first to be 
awaited. For the imperf. de conatu see also note to KUB 15.1 ii 8. 



Corpus of Texts 



85 



8 "I have already had a golden rhyton made for the Stormgod." 

9 Thus (said) Danuhepa: "That one (was) not good." 

10 Thus (said) the king of the country of Hakpi§sa: 

1 1 "Why have you not given to the Stormgod 57 the Att/zwpa/-instruments 58 and the lapis lazuli 
which you 

12 promised him?" 

13 Thus (said) Hepapiya: "The /?w/!wpa/-instruments and the lapis lazuli 

14 they shall give to the great god." 



15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 



Dream of Hesmiya, regarding IStar of the field. 

When (in) the matter of the "Azzenna- women" 59 

silver, oxen (and) sheep (were) among the things asked 60 and now that I, 

My Majesty, have given to Istar of the field silver, oxen (and) sheep of My Majesty, 

Hepapiya (said) thus: "From Istar of the field they shall 

take them back again 

[and] they shall give them to the great god." 



22 Dream of His Maj esty . Regarding the fact that IStar of the field of His 
Majesty 

23 [a quijver filled with arrows 

24 f ] and also a rug for the wall requested, and 

25 of His Majesty [I§tar of the field] a war-charriot with quiver 

26 [ ] requested 61 , and because to Etar of the field these 

27 [have already been gi]ven, thus (said) Hepapiya: 



The meaning of sallakartatar as in H.G. Gtiterbock, "Zu einigen...", in: Cor. Ling., 67: "negligence as a 
result of pride". 

57 The 2nd sg. praet. form memista has already been noted by A. G6tze, Madduwattas, MVAeG 32/1, 1927, 
61, where pesta is also mentioned (Cf. note on KUB 15.5+ ii 34'). A. Unal (Hattusili III, TdH 3, 138 +88 ), who 
for that matter reproduces the form with "er" (3rd p.) himself, criticises SBo I, 15, because his translation is 
"man", but Unal overlooks that in Dreams, 255 H.G. Gtiterbock rightly translates :"Why didyou not give. . .". 

58 A GI huhupal is a percussion instrument. 

59 Could Azzenna women originally mean perhaps women from Azzi? Cf. F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri..., 
384. 

Here kuwapi and anda present a problem, as in KUB 15.1 i 3. anda + gen. = "they belonged to ..." I have 
interpreted kuwapi as the conjunction "when". Priere hittite, 7 does not translate nu in 17 and gives the 
sentence a somewhat anacoluthic structure: "L 'affaire ... dans laquelle (=kuwapi) ... , puisque moi ... Parole 
de H.". 
61 SA + IR (26) = "to request of ". IR A-NA ( = Hittite wek + dat.) is much more customary. 



86 



Part Two 



28 
29 

30 

31 

40' 

41' 

42' 

43' 

44' 

45' 
46' 
47' 
48' 
49' 

50' 
51' 

52' 
53' 
54' 



["(These) they shall take [from IStar of the field] 

[and] they shall give them [to the] great god." Already (given). 



] when to His Majesty he [ ] 



[ 

and [ 

Th[us (said) Hepapiya: 

(of) iron the head [ 

to the great god [ 



Dream [of His Majesty.] 62 (Regarding) the [ivory] lion which [you] 

[have seen] in the temple of [ ] 

you must also make [ ] exactly like this, 

thus (said) H[epapiya: "An ] ivory lion [they shall make] 

and they shall give it t[o the gr]eat god." 

Dream [of His Majesty.] When Hazziya? 63 

through a dream requested [she]ep? of His [Majesty], 

thus (said) [Hepapi]ya: "1000 sheep they shall make rea[dy] 

and [they] shall dedicate them to the great [god] 

and they shall [give] them to him." 



55' The sheep [ ] which he/she requested 

56' [ ] and these shall be poured. 



Rev. 4 

1 [Dre]am of HeSmiya. Regarding the fact that for the bull Hurri they 

2 gave honey because of [ ] thus (said) Hepapiya: 



62 Translation inspired by that of H.G. Guterbock apud Dreams, 193. 

63 If there is indeed some question of a person, then by means of a dream a request is expressed by someone 
other than a god, which is remarkable. According to Priere hittite, 8, however, here there is also some 
question of a god who makes a request. 



Corpus of Texts 
"They shall now give it to the great god." 



87 



4 Through a dream Istar of Dupa requested of His Majesty 

5 1 golden solar disc (of) 16 sekels, 2 oxen and 7 sheep. 

6 Thus (said) Hepapiya: "They shall give them to the great god.' 



7 The tutelary-god of the field [requested of His Majesty through a dream 

silver [su]blime sacrificial jar? 64 
[Thus (said)] He[papiya: "They shall] giv[e it to the great god.]" 



10 
11' 
13' 

14' 
15' 
16' 

17' 
18' 
19' 

20' 

21' 

22' 
23' 
24' 
25' 



Thus (said)] 
Hepapiya: "They shall give it to the great] god." 



] through a dream gold ... [ 

] ... 10 minas of silver (and) an ox [ 

Thus] (said) Hepapiya: "They shall give them to the great god." 



] inlaid with an ornamental stone 65 
] requested through a dream, thus (said) Hepapiya: 
They shall give it [to the great g]od." 



] Regarding the two cities which she (?) requested in Kummanni, 66 
thus (said) Hepapiya:] "These shall be given to the great god." 



] lapis lazuli 
] requested. They made an oracular inquiry. 
]this 
] they ... 



1 Sippanduwan = ace. of sippanduwa- (c). 

' Isgar- = literally "to stick". 

' For the promise of a city, cf. KUB 15.1 iii 17-21. 



27' 



Part Two 



] they ... 



28' 
29' 
30' 
31' 

32' 
33' 



[ 



] through a dream [ ] ... 
] thus (said) Hepapiya: 
they shall] give." 

] 
they] shall give [to the] great god.' 



34' [ ] through a dream he/she requested for the father of His Majesty 

35' [Thu]s (said) Hepapiya: "They shall give them to the great god." 

36' [The matte]r (of) the dream: to the queen 44 sekels of silver (and) 44 sheep, 

37' (and) [14]4 sekels of silver and 144 sheep to the oppressed 

38' spirits of the dead they have given. 67 

39' They shall make an inquiry. 

44' colophon: Demand. 68 



2. CTH 584: Dreams of the queen 



KUB 15.1 



Transliteration KUB 15.1 

Obv. 1 
1 



D He-pdt ^U-da 6 ' 



LJ 



U-rt/MMUNUS.LUGAL INIM UZU GU.HAL-W GAM ma-ni-' ya'-[ah-ta n ] 



67 Does F. Sommer, review of KUB 14-17, Kl. F. 1, 341 suggest that this is a question because of the inquiry 
in line 39'? 

68 For the colophon, see F. Sommer I.e. and Priere hittite, 7 f. 

69 The reading mv U-da-a (H. Klengel, "Zur okonomischen Funktion...", SMEA 16, 188) must be based on 



Corpus of Texts 



89 



3 ku-wa-pi an-da 12 nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL SA tl-TI 

4 A-NA D He-pdt ^U-da ki-is-sa-an IK-RU-UB 

5 ma-a-an-wa DINGIR-Z[/MGASAN-K4 D UTU-& Tl-nu-an har-ti 

6 HUL-u-i-wa-ra-an pa-ra-a U-UL tar-na-at-ti 

I nu-wa A-NA D He-pdt ALAM G[US]KIN i-ya-mi 

8 A-YA-RU GU§¥3N-ya-wa-as-si i-ya-mi «nu» 

9 nu-wa-ra-at-za SA D He-pat A-YA-RU hal-zi-is-sa-an-[z]i 

1 vzu GAB-as-ma-wa-du-za TU-TI-TUM GUSKIN i-ya-mi 

I I nu-wa-ra-at-za TU-TI-TUM DING1R-LIM hal-zi-is-sa-an-zi 



12 
13 
14 



U-rC/MMUNUS.LUGAL \J-it-wa-mu D He-pdt ku-ut-ta-na-li AS.ME.HI.[A] 
NA4 ZA.GrN-ja IR-ta a-ri-ya-u-en 

SI x SA-at 



nu D He-pdt VRU U-da 



15 
16 

17 



U.NUN 73 \J-it-wa-m[u] LUGAL 74 IQ-BI D He-pdt-wa 
me-mi-is-ki-iz-zi r / ] -[M4 75 ] KUR miJ HAT^-TI-wa-mu 16 
zi-iz-za-hi-in i-y[a-an-d]u I-NA KVK Mu-kis-ma-wa-mu 



18 GESTIN i-ya-an-du [a-ri]- ya -an-zi 



19 MUNUS.LUGAL-za-ytd« A-NA ^UGAL- 1 ma ' [URUj U-da ' [k]is-an 

20 IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-mu lmSA[0 ]x EN-YA 

2 1 VTU-^Z Tl-nu-an har-ti TI-a[n(-) ]x x x 

22 EGlR-pa-an-da 71 U-UL ku-it-k[i 



70 For UZU GU.HAL instead of the more frequently occurring UZU GU.TAR (or -tar), see KBo 1.42 iii 14: 
E. Laroche, 'Textes de Ras Shamra en langue hittite", Ugar. V, 1968, 769-784 (p. 777). 

71 Ma-ni-ya-[ah-ta\. most plausible restoration. 

72 Kuwapi anda also occurs in our texts in KUB 15.13:39' and, as here before nu-za-kdn, in KUB 48.126:4 ( 
as Bo 2828 in R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 215 ff., less aptly translated). Moreover partially restored in KUB 15.1 
iii 7' and KUB 15.28 iii 16'. 

73 U.NUN mentioned by SL II/3, 880 no. 53 without further explanation. As translation: "Traum". 

74 Since there are no remnants of signs before LUGAL, a restoration to form MUNUS.LUGAL cannot be 
considered. 

75 The manifest traces of the sign I and the parallelism with line 17 render I-NA preferable to E. Laroche's 
restoration LU.MES ("Textes de Ras Shamra. . .", Ugar. V, 456). 

76 In KUR URU PA-77 the Akkadian complement TI derived from HATTI in full. For HATTI = Hittite Hattusa, 
see H.G. Gtiterbock, "The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son", JCS 10, 1956, 98, note o. Wherever 
only KUR occurs in the text as determinative with PA- 77 or HATTI, I have retained Hatti as translation (cf. 
KUB 15.24 i 1). I have also left unaltered such generally accepted concepts as "Stormgod of Hatti". 



90 



Part Two 



23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 

29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 



SA KUR.KUR.HI.A-fojw SA KARAS S[A 
\JS-an SIG 5 -n HUL-/w-fcwi U[S-a« 78 
U-UL tar-na-at-ti 19 nuA-^NA 1 [°LUGAL-wa 
har-na-in I-NA um U-da a-x[ 
har-na-is-ma ma-a-a[n] SA x x[ 



r„ 



ma-a-an ] SA SAG.GEME.[IR.MES 



MUNUSJLUGALW^n r U§ 1 -Hi se-i\r A-NA D 

ma-a-an-wa-kd[n ] SA KUR r URU ] [ 

SA ERIN.MES UKU/US 1 -^ x t 

DUMU.LUGAL BE-LUx m [ 

ma-a-an SA A-BI(-)f l [ 

a-ri ma-a-an-ma [ 

HUL-/w X X$-an [ 

U-UL [ ki?-[it-k]i [ 

&4x[ 



kis-an IK-RU-UB] 

SA ERIN.MES sa-ri-ku-wa-as] 



Obv. 2 

1 [ ]- l za-faiw 82 SAU 1 -r[/ ]x LUGAL-x 83 D ZA-BA 4 -BA 4 ^U-ri-ki-na 

2 kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa-mu DINGIR-If/Af EN-K4 

3 TL-nu-si nu-wa-at-ta NA4 ZI.KIN ZAG.GAR.RA-.ya 



77 There is some space between EGIR-pa and art-da on the tablet, though less than that between the other 
words. Hence they can be taken as an entity. 

78 For HUL-fo (=idalu) hinkan, cf. O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 32. 

79 For hinkan (=US-aw) + tarna-, cf. O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 26 and 28. Why N. Br., 70 
cites this passage for anda tarna- is not clear. 

80 The photograph of the tablet is insufficiently legible to justify reading SA here. 

81 An Akkadogram or a Sumerogram is to be expected after SA. The remains of the signs make it impossible 
for ID to follow SA A-BI is a possible reading. 

82 The available space makes a restoration [MUNUS.LUGAL]-za-faj« possible, but the objection to this is 
that then the queen would be asking on her own behalf that she may stay alive, which is something that does 
not occur in any other vow. 

83 D LUGAL-os, as in HAB, 163 (H. Ehelolf rightly notes that there is no space between D and LUGAL on the 
tablet though there is on the copy) would produce a unique form of Sarruma (cf. E. Laroche, "Le dieu 
anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 277-302). But it would be difficult to make two gods in succession agree with 
DINGIR-If/M EN-K4 in line 2 and Tl-nu-si in line 3. Nevertheless the most likely text is: 
[MUNUS.LUGAL]-za-foJw SA \J-T\IA-NA] D LUGAL-<ma>-as °ZA-BA 4 -BA 4 . ^U-ri-ki-na, with, perhaps, 
-ma missing because of lack of space in that line. 



Corpus of Texts 



91 



ha-li-is-si-ya- 



5 
6 
1 
8 
9 
10 



D UJGAL-ma-as mu U-ri-ki-na 
SA t-TI-kan GIM-an MUNUS.LUGAL I-NA URl ] I-ya-am-ma 
t tar-nu-u-i EGIR-an LU.MES GURUS 84 ku-i-e-es-qa 
ha-at-ki-is-sa-nu-us-kir MUNUS.LUGAL-/wa-za-A:a« SA U-77 
1 [t \ar-nu-za-an r &4 ] GUSKIN 
A-NA ^LUGALl/wa URL 'U-ri-ki-na IK-RU-UB 



11 

12 



MUMJS.LUGAE-za-fcw A-NA D L\JGAL-ma-a-ni vw U-ri-ki-na 

1 ZI GUSKIN r KI 1 .LA.BI NU.GAL 1 ZI KU.BABBAR 10 GIN IK-RU-UB 



13 
14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 8 ' 

22 



[k]u-u-us-mu ku -i-e-es MA-ME-TE.MES a-ri-ya-se-es-na-az 
ku -it-ta GIM- an Six SA-at nu ki-nu-un ku-it 
ar -ha a-ni-ya-u-wa- an -zi U-UL tar-ra-ah-ha-ri 
nu-kdn s ku- it -ma-an a-pi-ya EGIR-pa-an-da 
ku-it-ma-an-na-as-za ar- ha BAL-ah-hi 
^nu^-kan ma- [ a-an D LUGAL-/na ] [ 86 ] r EN-E4 A-NA ^UTU-S/ 1 [ ]x-x 



[HU]L-w-x[ 
x[ 



]x-tu1-ra-an-tal-li-uf 
]x-an u A-NA D He-pdt f AMA ] -KA 



A-NA D UTU]- r ^/ 1 -fe7K HUL-/ M NLTE-/M[i 
90 ] ^U-UL) ku-it-ki a-ri HUL-is- [ zi^-na-af 1 



84 For LU.GURUS = Hittite LU mayant-, see J. Siegelova, Appu-Marchen und Hedammu-Mythus, StBoT 14, 
1971,22. 

85 A summary treatment of -kdn in nominal clauses with anda as predicate as occurring in Middle Hittite 
texts is given by F. Josephson, The Function of Sentence Particles in Old and Middle Hittite, 1 972, 397 ff. 

86 A possible reading, as suggested by H.C. Melchert, Ablative and Instrumental in Hittite, 1977, 32, is 
D LUGAL-w [a-as]. As in the text, as voc. : E. Laroche, "Vocatif et cas absolu en anatolien", Athenaeum 47, 
1969, 173-178 (p. 173 f.) 

87 The remnants of the signs are too illegible to be sure of [HU]L-u-i-as the correct reading. Therefore, like E. 
Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 289, 1 have put x in the text. With E. Laroche, 1. c. x-x-ra- 
an-tal-li-us, since the uncertain sign KI before RA likewise does not produce a plausible word. No suitable 
word is to be found in either P. Reichert, "Glossaire inverse de la langue hittite", RHA 21, 1963, 61-145 or N. 
van Brock, "Derives nominaux en 1 du Hittite et du Louvite", RHA 20, 1962, 69-168. 

88 [GI]M-aw could be considered, though no vertical stroke before -an can be discerned in the photograph. 

89 Lines 21 and 23-27. Restorations as in E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40. The missing 
words could possibly be inferred from the comparable construction in line 3 1 . However there is less space 
than needed by parranda mematti, which occurs in a like context in KUB 21 .27 iii 28 f. 



92 



Part Two 



23 [U-UL ku]- [ e ] -t-qanuA-NA D LUGAL-maEN-YA 

24 [1 Ku5 ^-i?]/-2T/MKU.BABBAR iS-TU GUSKIN MAS-LU KI.LA.BI NU.GAL D\J-mi 



25 92 \ma-a-d\n-na-mu ki-e-da-ni INlM-ni ^LUGAjJ-ma-as EN-YA 

26 [GE§TU-a]« pa-ra-a e- ip-ti is-ta-ma-as-ti-mu 

27 [1] GESTU 10 GIN GUSKIN 93 1 GE§TU 1 MA.NA KU.BABBAR A-NA D LUGAL-wa 
[SU]M-W 

28 ma-a-an-na-mu 2 ^LUGAL-ma-an-ni-is 1 D Al-la-an-zu- un -ni-is-sa 

29 A-NA DTNGlR-LIM-kdn ku-i-e-es gi-nu-wa-az ar-ha u-wa-at-ten 

30 nu-mu ma-a-an ku-u-un INIM -an iS-ta-ma-as- te -ni 

3 1 A-NA ""LUGAL-ma-fciw pdr-ra-an-da me-ma-at-te-ni 

32 nu D UTU-.!>/ HUL-u-wa-an-za ud-da-na-an-za an-da U-UL 

33 ku-is-ki KAR-zz ku-it-ma-an-za ku-u-us 

34 NAM.ERIN.HI.A ar-fca a-ni-ya-zi 

35 «m ,4-M4 2 D LUGAL-ma-an-HZ-.ya-as l-EN D Al-la-an- zu-n^-ya"* 

36 ku-e-da-ni-ya 1 GE§TU GUSKIN 1 GE§TU KU.BABBAR DU-mz 95 KI.LA.BI [NU.GAJL 

37 D LUGAL-wa 96 ^La-i-u-na 

38 §A tl-TI-kdn GIM-an MUNUS.LUGAL I-^NA 1 <VRV> La-i-u-na 

39 t tar-nu-ii-i EGIR-an LU.ME§ GURU§ ku-i-e-es-qa 

40 ha-at-kif '-sa-nu-us-kir MUNUS. r LUGAL-/«tf l -za-fa»! §A U-77 

41 1 Sar-nu-za-an §A r GU§KIN A-NA D \lJGAL-ma ^La-i-u-na IK-RU-UB 



42 U-7I/MMUNUS.LUGAL za-as-hi^ya-wa^-mu D LUGAL-wa-as IQ-BI 



90 ma-a-an not taken over from E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, since GIM-an or ma-a-an 
must have stood in line 20. 

91 -nas = "us" , dat. (in)commodi with the here personally constructed verb idalaues- (inchoativum). 

92 KUB 15.1 iv 18' to 22' is a comparable passage. 

93 E. Laroche's reading ("Le dieu anatolien §arruma", Syria 40) is KU.BABBAR, not GUSKJN. 

94 E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 290 erroneously does not end the line with -ni-ya. 

95 DU-tw is not in what is called the "provisional" transliteration of HW 2 , 269. In the translation "<gebe>" 
must be altered accordingly. 

96 In line 5 of the almost identical vow KUB 15.1 ii 5 to 10 stands ^LUGAL-ma-as. 

97 Written -kis- as opposed to -ki-is in line 8. 



Corpus of Texts 



93 



43 I-NA mjR.SAG-ma-[w]a-mu-kdn se-ir 12 AS-RA 

44 a -da-an-na pa -a-i a-ri-ya-an-zi 



45 9 

46 

47 

48 

49 

50 

51 

52 



[z]a-as-hi-ya-za [MUN]US.LUGAL^-A^ UD.KAM.ffl.A EZEN 4 G1& zu-up-pa-ri 
[^]- r 7V^ 1<D> MUNUS.LUGAL ^A 1 URUD U-af-ia ar-ku-wa-ar m 
[kis]-an e-es- se -es-ta ma-a-an-wa D UTU-5/ am-[me]-e-da- az 



[U]-<UL< /cm- 1 e '-[iz]-qa G\JB-li-is-zi D [MUNUS.LUGA]L 101 URU ^U-as-sa-wa 



[ 



]x[ 



-a]h?-hi nu-waA-NA rDl [MUNUS.LUGAL] x 
MA.N]A KU.BABBAR 1 [ JKU.BABBAR 

KU.B]ABBAR x[ ] x-x-an 

M 



Rev. 3 

r 



2' 
3' 



] SA XMV L[a-i-ii-na 
1] ZI KU.BABBAR 10 GIN [IK-RU-UB m 



4' 
5' 
6' 



D AM]AR.UD URU Ia-/-«-[» a 103 
s]e-ir 1 ALAM DINGIR-Z,/M 
] IK-RU-UB 



98 za-as-hi-ya-[za]-mu is also possible as regards space on the tablet when compared with line 45. 
Nevertheless -wa is preferable because of KUB 15.3 iii 17 and 5 i 8 in comparable contexts. The reading of 
F. Sommer/H. Ehelolf, Das heth. Ritual des Papanikri..., 31 ' za-as-hi-\y\a -mu is less plausible in view of 
the remnants of the signs and the space on the tablet. 

99 Lines 45 to 48 are almost literally the same as KUB 15.19 Obv. 1 1 to 13. 

100 The addition of A-NA in 46 is essential to the forming of a good sentence construction. The space 
available does not admit of the addition of D as well. In view of MUNUS.LUGAL in 45, an omission by the 
scribe is very plausible. The reading of H. Often, Materialien zum hethitischen Lexikon, StBoT 15, 1971, 9 3 
is similarly D MUNUSLUGAL. The reading of A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 218 in line 46 [(6)] x 
MUNUSLUGAL-ma URU is open to objection both on palaeographical (i.e. remnants of signs and available 
space) and on linguistic grounds {-ma is impossible in this place because of the continuing main clause). 

1 ' The space on the tablet is rather cramped for reading MUNUS.LUGAL. Moreover the head of a vertical 
wedge does not indicate LUGAL. Nevertheless in view of the preceding note, A. Unal's {Hattusili III, 
TdH 3) addition D [LUGAL-m]a is not plausible. 

102 The end of lines 2' and 3' must have been written over the edge, as in 12' and 15', for example. 

103 See E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 293 2 for this divine name. 



94 Part Two 

7' [U-7I/MMUNUS.LUGAJL INIM v Gur-wa-su-kdn m ku-wa-pi [an-da 

8 ' [ D Guy-wa-su-us-kdn GIM-an §A U-77 105 [ 

9' [A-N]A MUNUS.LUGAL IQ-BI a-pu-u-un-wa ku-in 106 [ 

10' SA ht MU-DI-KA INIM-an Zl-za har-ti [ 

1 1 ' nu-wa-ra-as TY-an-za 1 ME MU .KAMHI.A-ya-wa-as-si [ 

12' pi-ih-hi MUNUS.LUGAL-ma-za-/ca« §A U-77 kis-an ^Ild-RU-UB 

13' ma-a-an-wa-mu a-pi-e-ni-is-su-wa-an i-ya-si 

14' ww-wa LUGAL MU-DI-YA Tl-an-za nu-wa A-NA DINGIR77M 

15' 3 DVG har-si-ya-al-li \ EN $A I l EN SA LAL 

16' \ EN §A IN-BI te-eh-hi 



17' D UTU-57-fai« ^-Akf D Ka-tah-ha kis-an IK-RU-UB 

18' ma-a-an-kdn URV An-ku-wa-as URU-as 107 is-pdr-za-zi m 

19' £/- UL-as da-pi-an-za ar-ha BIL-zw 

20' hm ^-A^ D Ka-tah-ha 1 URU-7C/M KU.BABBAR DU-tw 

21 ' KI.LA.BI NU.GAL 1 GU 4 8 UDU-ya pi-ih-hi 



22' 
23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-faw ,4-A^ °U AN-£ kis-an IK-RU-UB 
ma-a-an-kdn mL An-ku-wa-as URU-as is-pdr-za-zi 
U-UL-as da-pi-an-za ar-ha BIL-m; 
nu A-NA °U AN-E 1 URU-^t/M 1 KU.BABBAR DU-mi 
KiJlA.BI 1 NU.GAL 1 GU 4 8 UDU-ya pi-ih-hi 



27' [ D UTU-&-ta]n 109 A-NA °U URU Zi-ip-pa-la-an-da 

28' [jfcis-an IK-RU-UJB ma-a-an-kdn mv An-ku-wa-as URU-as 



104 In reality there is no space between the signs D and GUR although the copy suggests otherwise. 

The gen. Gurwasu could possible be written in Akkadian. An-da is filled in on the analogy with KUB 15.1 i 3 
and other places which are mentioned in the note on the translation. 

105 No text must be assumed at the end of lines 8 ' to 11'. 

106 The reading ku-in-k[i] of A. Kammenhuber, "Die hethitische Vorstellungen...", ZA 56, 171 is unfounded. 

107 For the place of the apposition URU-as, see F. Starke, Die Funktionen..., StBoT 23, 156. The more exact 
specification is necessary, for vm Anknwas can also mean the country surrounding the city. 

Isparzazi: for different ways of writing this 3rd sg, see C. Kuhne/H. Otten, Der Sausgamuwa-Vertrag, 
StBoT16,42. 

109 In view of the available space and what could be alternating vows by the king and the queen, it is assumed 
that this is a vow made by the king, as in 17', and that here, too, -za could be missing. Perhaps because 
personal interests are not involved? 



Corpus of Texts 



95 



29' 
30' 
31' 



i[s-pdr-za-zi U-U]L-as da-pi-an-za ar-ha BIL-w 
[nuA-NA Vh U xm3 Z\ihp"-pa-la-an-da 1 UKU-LUM KU.BABBAR 
pU-mi KI.LA.BI NU.GAL] r l ] GU 4 8 UDU-ya pi-ih-hi 



32' 
33' 
34' 
35' 
36' 
37' 
38' 

39' 
40' 
41' 
42' 
43' 
44' 
45' 
46' 
47' 

48' 
49' 
50' 
51' 

52' 



M[UNUS.LUGAL-za-fajK^-A^ NI.TE-.SC//tw-aM IK-RU-UB 
m[a-a-an-kdn S A] U-77 ka-ru-u pa-ra-a 

s[al- nu-]wa-kdn G[A§AN]-K4 SA E-77 

x x[ ]x-ki l 10 DU-si ^STU-Sl Tl-an-za 

n]u ^-[NA] d IST[AR ALA]M GUSKIN DU-mi ALAM §A D ISTAR mU Sah^-pi-na 



L,J 



, GlS. 



ma-si]- wa -an TUKUL.HI.A-j'a-as-.si ha-li-is-si-ya-mi 
ma-a-an] ^S-TU 1 KU.BABBAR l ma-a-an 1 IS-TU GUSKIN 



]x-kdn ku-wa-pi an-da 
]x? U-77 

]x Lli KUR 
]kis-anh£-RU-UB 
fsAG^DU-y^ 
]x L "KUR u-iz-zi 
-i\a-ri wa-as-ku-in-wa-mu-kdn 
-z]i nu-wa A-NA D I$TAR GA§AN-Z4 
JKI.LA.BI NU.GAL DU-mi 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fcj]« 112 A-NA DUMU.NITA LUGAL KUR ^I-su-wa 
se-ir kis-a]n IK-RU-UB ma-a-an DUMU.NITA 
e-di-iz lu ] GIG-za Tl-es-zi 

]x-miSA LUGAL 114 KUR ^I-su-wa 
DUMU.NITA ie-i>G]IRBAL.TUR 115 1 ZI KU.BABBAR-ja 



The remains of the sign after the break are too illegible to assume that [ku-i]t-ki can be filled in. 

111 The instrumental case belonging to halissiyami is to be found in line 38'. Contra E. Neu, Der Anitta-Text, 
StBoT 18,86. 

112 In line 48' to 53', with the exception of those in line 52', all restorations are by H.G. Gtiterbock, "Hittite 
Hieroglyphic Seal. . .", JNES 32, 139. See also KUB 15.3 iv 5'-9'. 

113 There could be space for more signs. 

114 Many signs erased. As restoration [u-wa]-{a)-mi could be considered, but in my opinion a phraseological 
uwa rarely occur in the votive texts. 



96 Part Two 

53 ' [KI.LA.BI NTJJ.GAL A-NA DINGIR-L/M pi-ih-hi 



54' 

55' 



[ 



r l. 



fKi-lu-us-he-pa-ma-za SISKUR LU SANGA-' ma [ -za 
] si -ip-pa-an-da-i 



Rev. 4 

1' [ 

2' [ 



]x 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



nu -wa- za \ 



TUS-n x[ 



IK-RUj-^UB 1 



]x ZI-as 

]-kdn 



]-pdr-zi-ti 



10' 


ma-a-an-n\a 


11' 


tu-e-e[l 


12' 


nuA-NA [ 


13' 


na-an x[ 


14' 


na-an(-) [ 


15' 


Tl-an(-) [ 


16' 


nu-us- si [ 


17' 


DU-wi 



H]UL-w-wa-za 



i-y\a-mi 



18' ma-a-an-n[a-mu 



115 BAL.TUR without the determinative GIS. According to H. Otten, "Ein kanaanaischer Mythus aus 
Bogazkfiy", MO 1, 1953, 125-150 (p. 128) always with GIS. The slight erasure in GUR may possibly be 
connected with the omission of GiS. 

116 There could be a proper name at the end of the line. Although not clearly discernible on the photograph of 
the text, -par would seem to be most likely. In NH are no proper names ending in -parziti (or LU instead of - 
ziti). 



Corpus of Texts 

19' GESTU -an pa-[ra-a e-ip-ti is-ta-ma-as-ti-mu 

20' 1 GESTU KU.BABBAR [ 

21' ku-e-da-\ni 

22' SUM-/wx[ 



97 



Translation KUB 15.1 

Obv. 1 

1 Hepat of Uda 

2 Dream of the queen. [She left] the matter of the neck 

3 (to the goddess) at a certain moment 118 therein and in her dream the queen made 

4 the following vow to Hepat of Uda: 

5 "If you, o goddess, my lady, keep His Majesty alive 

6 (and) do not deliver him to Evil 119 

7 then I will make a statue of gold for Hepat 

8 and for her I will make a rosette of gold 

9 and they will call it the rosette of Hepat; 

1 for your breast I will make a pectoral of gold 120 

1 1 and they will call it the pectoral of the goddess". 



117 The text in lines 18' to 22' could possible be restored further with the help of KUB 15.1 ii 25-27. I have 
made no restoration, because of uncertainty regarding the divinity, the circumstances, the weight of the silver 
ear, etc. 

118 That the translation of these lines poses serious problems is evidenced by the fact that none of the 
translators of the entire passage has included line 2. I have taken INTM up to and including anda to be the 
main clause and kuwapi and anda to be adverbs. E. Laroche, "Le vceu...", RA 43, 66 also begins the second 
part of line 3 with a main clause : "Et la reine...". See for a completely comparable passage KUB 48.126 iii 
4. Katta (GAM) maniyahh- is translated as "hingeben" by HW, 135, and as "iiberlassen" by E. van Schuler, 
Hethitische Dienstanweisungen fur hohere Hof- und Staatsbeamte. Ein Beitrag zum antiken Recht 
Kleinasiens, AfO Beiheft 10, 1957, 26. Line 15 in C. Kuhne/H. Otten, Der Sausgamuwa-Vertrag, StBoT 16, 
13: (with dat. HUL-an-ni) "... schlecht macht". 

119 HUL-u-i-: Dat. of the substantivised adjective: "to Evil". In comparable passages (with, almost 
synonymous, katta maniyahh-) the dative of the substantive occurs: HUL-(u)-an-ni (Cf. C. Kuhne/H. Otten, 
Der Sausgamuwa-Vertrag, StBoT 16, I.e. and 43). Line 6 is a formula which sometimes occurs in vows and 
prayers and which, for instance, occurs in literally almost the same form in MurSsili's Annals 19 th year Obv. i 
13 (AM, 148): nu-mu i-da-a-la-u-i pa-ra-a U-UL tar-na-a-i- ... Cf. also note to KUB 15.9 iii 1'. 

120 -ma- is rendered by an accent on breast. Here -du- is possessive because of the presence of -za-, which 
would not have been put there if the dative of the person in question was mentioned, as in lines 7 and 8. The 
meaning of TU-TI-TUMas H. Klein, "Tudittum", ZA 73, 1983, 255-284. 



98 Part Two 

12 Dream of the queen. "Through a dream Hepat requested of me a necklace (of) 

13 solar discs and lapis lazuli 121 ." We made an oracular inquiry 

1 4 and Hepat of Uda was designated. 

15 Dream- . "Through a dream the king spoke [to me]: 'Hepat 

16 says: 122 In the country of Hatti for me they [must] 

1 7 make a zizzahi} 21 ' in Muki§ for me they must 

18 make wine'". [They shall] make an oracular inquiry. 

19 The queen made to Sarruma [of U]da the following 

20 vow: "If for me, o (mountain) 124 [ ], my lord, you 

21 keep His Majesty alive (and) [him] alive 

22 later nothing [ 

23 in the countries, in the military camp (and) i[n 

24 dying (= the epidemic) becomes better (and) the evil dying you 

25 do not permit, then for [Sarruma I will 

26 harnai 125 in Uda [ 

27 and harnai .... or of [ 

28 or of the personnel 

29 Because of the dying, the queen [made to ... the following vow:] 

30 "If in the country [ among the lightly armed troops] 

3 1 and among the heavily armed troops [ 



121 Because of the position of -ya, the necklace cannot have been made of lapis lazuli. However, a necklace 
composed of golden solar discs and pieces of lapis lazuli is possible. Different interpretation in HW 2 , 292: 
"... erne Halskette und Sonnenscheiben aus Lapis-lazuli (gen. mat.)". 

122 See notes on transliteration. 

123 zizzahi is a Hurrian word designating a cult object, a sort of urn that is usually made of metal and seldom 
of stone: E. Larocbe, "Textes de Ras Shamra...", Ugar. V, 455f. and E. Laroche, "Sur le vocabulaire de 
l'haruspicine hittite", RA 64, 1970, 127-139 (p. 130). It is only here that the spelling is zizzahi. Elsewhere it is 
always zizzuhi, as appears from the passages mentioned by E. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite II, 
RHA 35, 1977, 306 (in the passage mentioned for KUB 15, line 7 should read line 17). 

124 It is possible that a proper name in the vocative follows "(mountain)". 

125 harnai- "some kind of ointment?" (H.G. Giiterbock in a personal letter), with a reference to H. Otten, 
"Eine Lieferungsliste zum Totenritual der hethitischen Konige", WdO 2, 1959, 477-479 (p. 479 +1 ). My 
comment on harnai in "A Hittite Tablet in Liverpool Museum", JEOL 25, 1977-78, 67-74 (p. 72) must be 
amended. According to G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, 1979, 127 +214 and 128 +217 , harnai should no 
longer be associated with a liquid. 







Corpus of Texts 


32 


a prince, a lord [ 




33 


ifofthefather?[ 




34 


reaches, if however [ 




35 


the evil dying [ 




36 


noticing 




37 


of[ 





99 



Obv. 2 

1 In a dream [ ] made [to] ZababaofUrikina 

2 the following vow: 126 "If you, o god, my lord, 

3 continue my life, then a stele and an offering-table will I for you 

4 mount (in metal)". 127 

5 Sarruma of Urikina. 

6 When in a dream some 

7 young men (at the back of) the bathhouse 128 in Iyamma 

8 intended to seize 129 the queen, the queen promised in her dream 

9 1 bathhouse of gold 

10 to Sarruma of Urikina. 

1 1 The queen promised to Sarrumanni of Urikina 

12 1 golden soul 130 of unspecified weight (and) 1 silver soul of 10 sekels 



13 



Since I am now unable to fulfill these oaths 



126 A. Kammenhuber/A. Unal, "Das althethitische Losorakel KBo 18.151", KZ 88, 1974, 157-180 (p. 160 8 ) 
interpret this passage as a vow of Puduhepa made for the sake of the king's life. In their opinion EN-K4 
stands for Hattusili. In all vows, however, EN-K4 refers to the god and not to the person of the king. For that 
matter, the relationship between HattuSili and Puduhepa does not seem to me to be such that Puduhepa would 
speak of Hattusili as EN = "lord", "master" (NB: in the same note "Zelt" should be "Postament"). 

127 Halissiya-: my translation is "mount (in metal)" if the sort of metal is not mentioned (in the instrumental 
case). Cf. E. Neu, Der Anitta-Text, StBoT 18, 85 and 86 +168 ' 169 . 

128 H.G. Giiterbock' s translation (apud Dreams, 227) is "... in the rear of the tarnu-home ..." The translation 
of tarnu as "bathhouse" could prove to be wrong. 

129 Most probably the vow was made before the queen fell victim to the attack. Hence the imperf. de conatu. 

130 A golden soul probably means the hieroglyphic sign for soul in gold. There is still no certainty as to what 
the sign looks like. The other abstract qualities promised (golden dreams, golden curses, etc.) also merit 
further research. Gold being so costly, the queen does not as yet specify the weight of the promised object. 

131 MAMETEME& (like NAM.ERIM.HI.A in 34) = "oaths" stands for "offers that are promised under oath". 



100 



Part Two 



14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 

25 
26 

27 



as they each were designated by an oracle, 

- if you, Sarruma, my lord, 

[ward off] the evil for His Majesty, as long as I am engaged in offering, 132 

until I have finished offering, 

(Already translated in 13 to 17). 



( " 



ij )» )) »? 



)• 



(and if you tell this further) to Hepat, your mother, 

[ and for His Maj]esty no evil his body [ 

reaches (and) it does not begin to go badly with us 

by means of whatsoever, then for Sarruma, my lord, I will 

make [one] silver [sh]ield inlaid with gold, of unspecified weight. 

And [if] for this matter to me you, Sarruma, my lord, 

lend your [ea]r (and) listen to me, 

I will g[ive] to Sarruma [one] ear [of] 10 sekels of gold 134 (and) 1 ear (of) 1 mina of 

silver. 135 



28 And if for me you, o 2 Sarrumanni-s and 1 Allanzunni, you who from 

29 the womb 136 of the god are sprung, 

30 if for 137 me you listen to this matter 

3 1 (and) tell (it) further to Sarruma, 138 

32 and not a single evil word 139 shall reach His Majesty 140 



132 The complicated structure of the sentence is possibly due to contamination of two sentences: "I cannot 
now fulfill the oaths that were determined by virtue of an oracle. May you therefore, as long as I am engaged 
in offering, ward off evil until I have finished with the offers which I promised under oath." 

133 E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 290 begins a new main clause in 21. In my opinion the 
subordinate clause continues through part of line 23. 

134 MAS-LU with CAD M, 380: "inlaid with". In A. Goetze, "Zu einigen hethitischen Komposita", in: Cor. 
Ling., 63-68 (p. 63): "set with". E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarruma", Syria 40, 290 "par moiti6". 

135 This is an example of an abridged reproduction of a vow previously recorded. 

136 The translation "lap" avoids the problem of abl. sg. or pi. ginuwaz (knee(s)). 

137 With nu-mu ma-a-an, the ma-a-an of line 28 is taken up once more after the relative subordinate clause. 
Different interpretation: S. Alp, "The -n(n) formations in the hittite language", Belleten 18, 1954, 449-467 
(p. 450): "and when ..." 

These are two asyndetic subordinate clauses. Could J. Friedrich's "aber" in line 31, in his review of SBo 
11,4/0 15, 1945-51, 109-113 (p. Ill) be due to ^LUGAL-oto? 

139 For the nom. of the -ant formation, see E. Laroche, "Un 'ergatif en indo-europ6en d'Asie Mineure", BSL 
57, 1962, 23-43 (p. 32). The same construction is to be found in KUB 15.28 iii 11'. The lines mentioned here 
are the only places in the votive texts where uddananza or uttar occurs. Memiya- occurs about eight times 



33 
34 
35 
36 



Corpus of Texts 

as long as he fulfills 141 these 

oaths, then I will 

for 2 Sarrumanni-s and 1 Allanzunni, 

make for each 1 golden ear (and) 1 silver ear of [un] specified weight. 142 



101 



3 7 Sarruma of Laiuna. 

38 When in a dream some 

39 young men (at the back of) the bathhouse in Laiuna the queen 

40 intended to seize, the queen promised in her dream 

41 1 bathhouse of gold [to] Sarruma of Laiuna. 143 

42 Dream of the queen. In a dream Sarruma spoke to me: 

43 "At 12 places 144 up in the mountains give me 

44 (something) to eat". They shall make an oracular inquiry. 



45 In a dream the queen prayed in the days of the torch festival 

46 [to] the "Queen" of Tarhunta§§a 

47 [as] follows: "If, because of me, for His Majesty 

48 it shall in [no] way whatsoever go badly (and) [the "Queen"] of Tarhuntagsa 

49 [ ], then to the "Queen" I will 



and always means "matter", "case". The Sumerogram INIM, which probably covers both words, about 28 
times. An exhaustive comparison between uttar, memiya- and INIM (insofar as it is certain that this word 
implies uttar (n.) or memiya (c.) because of the Hittite complement or of the presence, for example, of 
pronomina which indicate the gender of the Hittite equivalent) could probably reveal whether any difference 
in use and meaning can be discerned. The meanings of HUL-/« ut-tar. "the evil course (of mankind)" given 
by E.H. Sturtevant/G. Bechtel, A Hittite Chrestomathy, 67 and "ill repute" (I.e.) are similar to the meaning in 
our passage. 

140 Anda KAR (= wemiya-) + ace. can also be said of a disease that affects someone: KUB 5.4+ i 20: ma-a- 
an-ma-an KALAG-ga-as ta-pa-as-sa-as an-da U-UL OAR-ya-zi. 

141 -za arha aniya in E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 4+ 4 : "(einen Eid) beseitigen". 

142 It is not clear why a double paragraph divider sometimes occurs in the votive texts. In the Old Hittite 
palace chronicle, a double line marked the beginning of a new anecdote, while in rituals a double line marks 
a new day and/or a different ritual. Further research is needed on the way Hittite texts are divided into 
paragraphs. 

43 See notes on translation of line 7 to 9. 

144 Like AU, 61 +4 , 1 have translated "in 12 places". In RGTC 6, 238: "Oben auf dem Berg gib (mir) 12 Orte, 
urn zu essen". 

145 For -za arkuwar essa-, see Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate/F. Josephson, "Muwatallis' Prayer to the Storm-God 
of Kummanni (KBo 11.1)", RHA 81, 1967, 121 f. In our text a neutral "to pray" would seem an appropriate 
translation -a meaning which, according to HuH, 85, evolved under the influence of the Akkadian cult 
language. Cf. note to KUB 15.19 Obv. 12' and KUB 15.22:3'. 



102 

50 
51 

52 



Part Two 

. .mi]na of silver .... one silver [ ] 
]of silver[ ] 



Rev. 3 
1' [ 



] 



2' 
3' 



[ 



] of L[aiuna ] 

she promised 1] silver soul of 10 sekels. 



4' [ Sa]ndaofLaiu[na 146 

5' [for the sake of] ... 1 statue of the god 

6' [ ] she promised. 



7' [Dream of the quee]n. The matter of Gurwasu occurred at a certain moment 

8' When Gurwasu 147 in the dream [ 

9' said [to] the queen: "Regarding that matter 

10' concerning your husband which remains on your heart: [ 

11 ' he will live and I shall give him 100 years", 

12' the queen made the following vow in the dream: 148 

1 3 ' "If you do 149 thus for me 

14' and the king, my husband, (remains) alive, then for the god I will 

15' set (down) 3 storage vessels: 1 with oil, 1 with honey, 

16' (and) 1 with fruit." 



17' His Majesty made the following vow to Katahha: 
18' "If Ankuwa, the city, surmounts the dangers 



146 "Laiuna, site inconnu, eteit aussi la ville d'un Sanda, dieu cilicien" (E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien 
Sarruma", Syria 40, 293). In Hittite texts this place is mentioned only in this column and once in the 
following one. 

147 This passage proves that D GurwaSu cannot be an "objet divinise", as E. Laroche maintains in 
"Recherches. . .", RHA 46, 75. 

148 E. Laroche, "Le voeu...", RA 43, 66 interprets lines 9' and 10' as a question: "Is this the wish which you 
utter regarding your husband?" In Dreams, 254, H.G. Guterbock begins with a new sentence in line 12' and 
the main clause beginning with -ma, does not follow the subordinate clause with GIM-an. 

149 apenissuwan is the ace. sg. N of the adj. apenissuwant- = "such", "so much". 



Corpus of Texts 

19' (so that) it shall not burn down completely, 

20' then for Katahha I will make 1 silver city 

21 ' of unspecified weight (and) I will give 1 ox and 8 sheep." 150 



103 



22' The queen made the following vow to the Stormgod of heaven: 

23' "If Ankuwa, the city, surmounts the dangers, 

24' (so that) it shall not burn down completely, 151 

25' then I will make for the Stormgod of heaven 1 silver city 

26' of unspecified weight (and) I will give 1 ox and 8 sheep." 152 

27' [His Majesty made] to the Stormgod of Zippalanda 

28' [the following vow:] "If Ankuwa, the city, 

29' [surmounts the dangers] (so that) it shall [not] burn down completely, 

30' [then I will make for the Stormgod of Z]ippalanda 1 silver city 

3 1 ' [of unspecified weight] (and) I will give 1 ox and 8 sheep." 

32' The qu[een made to ... for] her person the following vow: 

33' "I[f ] in a dream previously 

34' [ and] you, my l[ady], in the temple (?) 153 

35' [ ] make ..., (so that) His Majesty (stays) alive 

36' [then for I§tar] I will make a golden sta[tue], a statue of I§tar of Sahpina, 

37' [life]-size, and I will mount her weapons 

38' [either] in silver, or in gold." 154 



39' 
40' 



[ 



] at a certain moment therein 155 
]in a dream 



For the value of an ox and a sheep, at the time the laws were recorded, see J. Friedrich, Die hethitischen 
Gesetze, 1959, 78 f. 

151 There is no reason to assume that these are interrogative sentences, as does M. Vieyra, "Rites de 
purification hittites", RHR 119, 1939, 121-153 (p. 149). 

These lines are almost identical with lines 17' to 21'. 

153 Here the meaning of fi = "house" presents a problem. E immediately followed by a divine 
name = "temple" (H.G. Gtlterbock, "The Hittite Temple...", 20 e Rencontre Assyriologie Internationale, 125), 
E.GAL -'palace". 

154 The translation given by RGTC 6, 329: "... und ich werde Waffen, [entweder] aus Silber oder aus Gold, 
darin einfassen" is less apt (see also note on transription). 

155 For kuwapi anda, see KUB 15.1 i 3. 



104 



Part Two 



41' 
42' 
43' 
44' 
45' 
46' 
47' 

48' 
49' 
50' 

51' 
52' 
53' 

54' 

55' 



[ 



]the enemy 

]made the following vow: 
]my head 
]the enemy comes 
]is ...ed, (whilst) my fault (ace.) 
,] then for I§tar, my lady, I will 
] I will make of unspecified weight." 



For the son of the king of the country of Isuwa [the queen] made 

[the following vow: "If the son 

recovers from [this] illness, 

[ I will . . . , for the sake of the son] of the king of the country of Isuwa 

[ a d]agger, a spindle and 1 silver soul 

[of unspecified wei]ght I will give to the god." 



[ 



], Kilushepa shall ... an offer, a priest shall 
] offer ... !56 



Rev. 4 

1' [ 

2' [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



[ 

and [ 
sit [ 



made a] vow 



] the soul 
] 



] (...?) 



156 Cf. translation of H.G. Gilterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal...", JNES 32, 139. His translation of lines 
54' and 55' is slightly different: "[For (?)] KiluShepa, however, an offering the priest [ . . .] will offer". In my 
opinion the -za after Kilu§hepa has not been taken sufficiently into consideration. 









Corpus of Texts 


10' 


[an]dif[ 




] by the evil ... 


11' 


of you [ 






12' 


then ... to [ 






13' 


and him [ 




I will] make 


14' 


and him [ 






15' 


alive [ 






16' 


and for him [ 






17' 


I will make [ 






18' 


[an]dif to [me] 


you 


[ 


19' 


[le]nd (your) ear [(and) listen to me] 


20' 


1 silver ear [ 






21' 


[for] which [ 






22' 


I will give [ 







105 



KUB 15.3 



Transliteration KUB 15.3 



Obv. 1 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 



°N]rN.GAL URV K[um-ma-an-ni 

]x A-NA D UTU-& me- [ mi^-i[s-ki-iz-zi 
]x :ma-ta-as-su 157 li-e i-ya-at-ta-r[i 
a-ri-ya-u-e]n nu KUR URV Kum-ma-an-ni SI x SA-at 
nu-za-kdn 15 * MUN]US.LUGAL A-NA D SIN EGTR-pa ap-pa-an-na kis-an IK-RU-U[B] 
ma-a-an-wa] D SINEN-YA A-NA D UTU-& WWw-ga-ws MU.KAM.HI.A-ttf 159 
\pi-es-i\i MU.KAM.HI. A- r wa ll6 ° ku-i-e-es iS-TU DINGIR-ZJM da-ra-an-te-es 



The reading -.kutassu in KBo 2.2 iv 1 1 in A. Goetze, "Hittite sipant-", JCS 23, 1970-71, 56-94 (p. 78). 

158 Restoration taken from F. Ose, Supinum und Infinitiv im Hethitischen, MVAeG 47/1, 1944, 77. 

159 Text according to J. Friedrich, "Zum hethitischen Lexikon", JCS 1, 1947, 275-306 (p. 297), with the 
exception of WA after D UTU-57 in line 8, which I have omitted since ty UTU-SI exactly fills the space 
available. 



106 



Part Two 



8 [ D UTU-S7 161 ] UGU ti-it-ta-nu-zi A-NA DINGIR-ZZMEN-E4 

9 MU.KAM-/i 1 GAL KU.BABBAR WJ XAM-li-ma-as-si 1 GAL GUSKIN 

10 KI.LA.BI mj.GALpi-ih-hiA-NA MU.KAM-ya ku-it ITU.12.KAM 

11 MU.KAM-//MU.l.KAMITU.12.KAM-7<3&4 KU.BABBAR GUSKIN 

12 e-es-su-u-wa-an te-eh-hi KI.LA.BI Zl-za da-ah-hi 

1 3 na-as A-NA DINGIR-I/M pi-es-ki-u-wa-an te-eh-hi D SIN-ma 

1 4 ku-is Zl-an-za nu ITU.KAM.HI. A SA KU.BABBAR GUSKIN a-pi-e-da-ni 

1 5 pi-es-ki-mi ma-a-an 162 vm U-ri-ki-na 

16 ma-a-an im-ma ku-wa-pi 

17 U-rt/MMUNUS.LUGAL za-as-hi-ya-wa-mu ku-is-ki me-mi-is-ki-iz-zi 

1 8 A-NA ^TN.GAL-wa-za-kdn kis-an ma-al-di ma-a-an-wa A-NA "^UTU-^/ 

1 9 y-Mi IZI SA GIKME^-SU nu-un-tar-as SlG 5 -ri nu-wa A-NA ^[IN.GAL] 

20 [:t]al-la-an GUSKIN NA4 ZA.GIN GAR.RA i-ya-mi :tal-la-an la d[a-pi-an] 

2 1 [nu A-N]A K[UR mu ] ' Mi-iz-ri 1 INIM-aw a-sa-an-ta-an up- 1 pi^an-zi 164 ] 

22 [ ]x x[ 



Rev. 4 

1' [««]-' MS-ii'-feitw 1 

2' «a-a? /jw-h- wa -[ 

3 ' ma-a-an iS-TU GU§K[IN 



ma-a-an I§-TU KU.BABBAR 1 ' 



r»i 



4' mm a-pi-e-ya ha- li -[is-si-ya-mi 



160 Although -ft (which fits in well with darantes) can also be discerned in erasure under -wa, I have, after 
collation, retained -wa, as in J. Friedrich, "Zum hethitischen Lexikon", JCS 1, 297 and E. Neu, Das 
hethitische Mediopassiv und seine indogermanische Gnmdlagen, StBoT 6, 1968, 114. O.R. Gurney also 
gives -wa in Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 63. 

' 61 O.R. Gurney's {Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 63) restoration [ma-a-an 1 ] would seem less apt, since there is 
then no subject. 

162 Originally the scribe had I-NA before VKV Urikina. Perhaps the idea of D SIN VKU Urikina induced him to 
remove it later. 

163 Collation indicates that tal-la-an with gloss sign is a better reading than 10 tal-la-an, u-tal-la-an or u-ri- 
la-an. 

164 Although a 1st sg. up-pa-ah-hi would be preferable, up-pi makes this impossible. 

165 The photograph of the text shows that this reading is possible, but by no means certain. 

166 Restoration based on KUB 15.1 iii 38'. 



Corpus of Texts 



107 



5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za ku-e-da-ni UD-ft'[ 

nu-za-kan MUNUS.LUGAL DUMU.NITA LUGAL KUR [^I-su-wa se-ir kis-an IK-RU-UB] 

ma-a-an-wa-ra-as e-di-iz G[IG-az TI-es-zi 161 

wa-as-si-iz-zi A-NA DTNGIR-LIM -ya-wa\ 

pi-ih-hi KI.LA.BI N[UGAL 



10' ma-a-an-na Ki-lu-us-he-pa-as x[ 
1 1 ' nu-un-na-as i Ki-lu-us-he-pa-as [ 
12' l-e-da-ni UD-ti wa-as-su-u-e- ni [ 



Translation KUB 15.3 



Obv. 1 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 



[ ]Ningal of K[ummanni 

[ sp]eaks to His Majesty [ 

[ ] let him not go matassu l6i . 

[We made an oracular inquiry] and the country of Kummanni was designated. 

[And the qujeen made the following vow to SIN for the recovery: 169 

["If] to His Majesty you, SIN, my lord, [give] long years 

and [His Majesty] completes 170 the years that (are) promised by the god, 

then to the god, my lord, I will 

give in one year 171 1 silver goblet (and) in one year 1 golden goblet 

of unspecified weight and, since a year (has) twelve months, 

each year I will make one year and twelve months of silver (and) gold. 

I will determine the weight thereof according to my own judgment 

and I will give them to the god. And whatever wish 

SIN entertains, according to that (wish) will I give the months of silver and gold, 



167 Restorations made by H.G. Giiterbock, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Seal...", JNES 32, 139. Cf. KUB 15.1 iii 48- 
53. 

168 Matassu could possibly be an adverb. Meaning unknown. Cf. CHD L-N, 211. 

169 Apparma is perhaps an old dative ending in -a of the subst. Appatar and not an inf. as in F. Ose, 
Supinum. . . , MVAeG 47/1 , 77 and 86, and in B. Rosenkranz, "Zur hethitischen Orthographie und Lautlehre", 
in: Fs. J. Friedrich, 417-426 (p. 421). 

170 In the translation of E. Laroche, "Le vceu. . .", RA 43, 67, the use of a 2nd sg. "... et que tu accomplies les 
annees qui sont promises par le dieu ..." suggests that it was not by SIN that the years were promised. 

171 MU.KAM-ri, dat.loc. oiwett-, is rendered as "in a year". MU.KAM-// = MU.KAM-ft'-//, adv., as "yearly", 
cf. KUB 15.11 ii 13. 



108 

1 5 either (in) Urikina 

16 or anywhere else." 



Part Two 



17 Dream of the queen. "In a dream someone said to me: 

1 8 'Make the following vow to Ningal: If 

19 that inflammation of His Majesty's feet subsides soon, 172 then for N[ingal] I will 

20 make a golden talla inlaid with lapis lazuli, a w[hole] talla m 

21 [and to the country] of Egypt [one shall] send true tidings.'" 174 



22 



[ 



] 



Rev. 4 

1 ' [and] for him/her [ 

2' and that ... [ 

3' orwithgo[ld 

4' and that, too, I will mo[unt (in metal) 



either with silver] 



5 ' On the day on which the queen [ 

6' the queen [made for] the son of the king of the country [of Isuwa the following vow:] 

7' "If he [recovers] from this [illness, 

8' he will clothe 175 , and to the god [ 

9' I will give, of [unspecified weight." 

10' andifKilu§hepa[ 

1 1 ' then for us KiluShepa will [ 

12' in one day we will clothe (it)." [ 



172 Strictly speaking, nuntaraS is an adjective belonging to IZI. All translators couple it with the verb: "bald", 
"rapidement", "quickly". Cf. CHD L-N, 52. 

173 Here talla perhaps means a (small) model of a real talla. DLL, 89: "recipient", but qualified by "incertain" 
and "glose?" for this place. H.G. Gtiterbock apud Dreams, 255: "10(?) talla (oil flasks)". 

174 Asant: Cf. AU, 69. I believe there are no grounds for assuming that untrue tidings were sent to Egypt on 
other occasions. Moreover it is not clear whether HattuSili must cancel the journey to Egypt because of his 
illness. See H. Otten in E. Edel, "Der geplante Besuch HattusiliS' III in Aegypten", MDOG 92, 1960, 15-20 
(p. 20). 

Wa-as-si-iz-zi is probably one of the main verbs. Line 12' also contains a promise to clothe something. 



Corpus of Texts 



109 



KUB 15.11 



Transliteration KUB 15.11 



Obv. 2 
1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 

7 



9 

10 

11 



m\a-al-ta^™ 
]- wa-za-kan x[ ]x[ ]am-mu- uq 

]xA-NA TI Df UTU-& 1 [ fUTU-Sl 111 l-NU-TUM r UBUR GUSKIN 1 
]x 1 MA.NA IK-R U- 1 UB^ ka-ru-u 



MUNUS.LUGAL] A-NA D Al-la-ni IK-RW UB ' nu DINGIR-LUM ku-it GA§AN-Z4 
GE 6 -in] KI -an a-ra-a-an nu hal-ki-is is-hi-ya-an-te-es 
ma-a-d]n GA§AN-K4 GE^-in Yl-an la-a-si <nu> hal-ki-is SIGs-n 
nu] [ A ] -NA DINGlR-LUM DVG har-si-ya-al-liI-NA OTU KlJ.BABBAR-ft- 
UI-NA mxl Ha-ak-mis is-hu-wa-ah-hi m3G har-si-ya-al-li-ma-wa-za-kdn 
ZI -za da-ah-hi DVG har-si-ya-al-li-ma ma-a-an iS-TU E.GAL-LIM 
he- e-sa -an-zi ma-a-an BE-LU ku-in-ki u-i-ya-an-zi 



1 2 A-NA D Al-la-ni-ya-za-kdn ku-it SAE 1 ^] mL 'Ma-nu-zi-ya 6 [ 

13 A^NA 1 TI ^TU-Sl se-ir ma-al-ta-an har-mi MU .KAM-li-wa- 1 ra\at m ] 

14 [A-N]A DINGTR-LIM pi-es-ki-u-wa-an te-eh-hi ki-nu-un-ma-at a-pi-iz-x [ 

15 [ ]x-an pa-ra-a U-UL ku-wa-pi AD-DIN ki-nu-un-ma [ 

1 6 [ ]x A-NA DINGIR-Z/M25 SAGDU.MES up-pa-ah-hu-un f ka?-t[a-ma m ] 



176 The undermost stroke of the sign -i is vaguely discernible in the photograph. 

177 It is difficult to understand why D UTU-^7 occurs twice so close together. The intervening space is too 
small to permit the restoration of [se-ir], which would be plausible on the analogy of lines 13 and 23. Even 
[SA] does not fit properly into the available space. The first D UTU-5/ was perhaps a scribal error which 
should be removed, hence no restoration is needed, particularly since the first rendering is much more 
carelessly written than the second and the space between is less than in the copy. 

178 In the reading of HW 2 , 248, there is perhaps rightly no NU in 5 (the NU here little resembles the NU in 
the following line) and harti, assumed to be forgotten, is filled in after a-ra-a-an. The restoration in these 
lines were suggested in the translation of O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 122 6 . In the copy, the 
remnant of -a]n in line 7 is incorrectly rendered without a vertical stroke. The too long horizontal stroke of -si 
in the same line could be a part of NU, which should be read in any case. 

179 §A is clearly discernible in the photograph. 

180 At the end of this line -za could after -at. Since -za does not occur in KUB 15.3 i 13, the preference here is 
-at as ending. See also J. de Roos, "A Hittite Tablet. . .", JEOL 25, 70 13 . 

181 If a sign should be read after apiz, though the photograph provides no manifest reason, then -pat is the 
only possibility. 



110 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 

27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 



Part Two 



[ki-e-iz 7] l SAG '.DU.MES ki-e-zi-ya 7 SAG.DU.MES fe-e/*- 1 /?« '-[««] 



r^.i 



[ri\Ja? [ 



l\r,(l i 



]x A-NA DTNGlR-LIMup-pa-ah-hi na-at A-' NA ' DINGIR-L/[M] 

,1 



mas-kdn m e- 1 es l -[du] ' GM-o« '-«a-fa*H D UTU-& la-ah-ha-az 

sa-ra-a SIG 5 -m u-iz-zi da-pi-an -za-as-si da-pi-a[n-za m ] 

nu a-pi-ya-ya A-NA DINGIR-Z/M 6 SA[G.DUMES up-p]a- 1 ah-hi 1 [ 

1 GU 4 SE 6 UDU 1 ZI GUSKIN LUGAL-w-/[z-Ha-an-w' 185 

^-i\64 r Tf n \JTU-Sl se-ir up-p[a-ah-hi 

IGl-zi-as A-NA SAG.DU.MES V-t 

I-NA URU Su-hu-ri-ya GISKI[M 

UA-NA KUR "^KU.BABBAR-TY x[ 



MUNUS.LUGAL ku-e-da-ni [ MU ] -t[i 
^KIJBABBAR-TI u-wa-te-it [ 
IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-mu D [ 



D UTU-57 1\-an-za SA ^.[GAL-L/M 18 
ft" -it-ti-ya-an-z[i 
[ ]x x[ 



Rev. 3 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



hal-z]i-ya-s[i 



K]UR VKV Kum-ma-an-n[i 
A-NA DINGIR-ZJ]MGASAN-K4 1 pJul A -[ n 



182 Restorations of A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete...", Kl. F. 1, 191 with a question mark beside -kat-, which is, 
difficult to see in the photograph. 

183 The reading pdr-kdn in A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete...", Kl. F. 1, 191. Mas-kan, as preferred by E. Laroche 
apud HW, 138 and E. von Schuler, "Hethitische Konigserlasse als Quellen der Rechtsfmdung und ihr 
Verhaltnis zum kodifizierten Recht", in: Fs. Friedrich 1959, 435-472 (p. 448). Both lahha and palsi could 
possibly be the Hittite renderings of the Sumerogram KASKAL. The Hittite complements of KASKAL, for 
example in nom. sg. KASKAL-af and BCASKAL-w, are indicative of such an interpretation. 

184 A remnant of the last sign of column i can be distinguished to the left of line 20. 

185 The restoration is not based on parallel passages. Collation makes -iz- a possible reading. 

186 The restoration as in HW 2 , 105. 

187 Column iii contains many scribal errors (inter alia in lines 11, 14, 16, 19, 22) and the writing is more 
irregular and careless. Moreover the surface of the tablet is (now?) in worse condition than the obverse. The 
two columns were probably written by different scribes. The only passage in FIW, 49 in which the 2nd sg. pr. 
halziyasi occurs, KUB 26.12 iii 23, also has the restoration hal-. Cf. N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung des 
hethitischen Verbums, 1979, 69-72 and 464. 



Corpus of Texts 



111 



4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 



]x-ni KI.LA.BI NU.GAL [ 
n Ka-ta]-pa-DINGIR-LIM 



A-NA] TI ^VTU-Sl A-NA D Is-ha-ra [ 
]x IK-RU-UB ka-ntU 1 m Ka-t[a-pa-DINGlR-LIM 



fUTU-SI MUNUS.LUGAL IS-TU KUR VRV Kum-man-ni [ 
]x-u-e-ni nu-zaA-NA DTNGIR-LIM ku-it 
](-)al-li-na-ra~lis e-su-un 
](-) al -li-na-<ra>-li-za se-es-ha-ah-hi 

A-NA DINGIR-I/IM^A^AN-Z^ 1 SUM-hi 



MUNUS 1 . LUG AL-za-kdn I-NA ml W- 1 nu? A-NA ^IM.NtUN.ME 
^Kum-ma-atK-nM 1 * 9 IK-RU-UB ma-a-an D UTU-S/'x[ 
D biM.NUN.ME-a? U-UL e-ip-zi 

nu 1 hu-ga-an-ni- 1 ir? KU.BABBAR 1 hu-u-ta-an-ni-in m GU[SKIN] 
IS-TU I DUG.GA su-u-wa-an-te-es x[ ] D UTU-5[7 
GUSKIN 1 MA.NA pi-ra-an DU-wi klal-ru]- 1 !? pi-[ya-an i9i ] 



19' 
20' 
21' 

22' 
23' 



[ma]-a-an Dr DIM 1 .NUN.<ME>-ai D UTU-57 U-UL nam-ma [e-ip-zi] 
[EGY]R- pa -as-si-kdn U-UL wa-ah-nu-uz-zi nu-x[ 
[I-NA xm3 Kum-man-ni a-ar-hi nu-zaA-NA DINGIR-Z/M 
[ {-)t]i-ya-an-za BAL-ah-hi m IS-TU SU .Sl-ya-a[z] 

[ ]x rDl UTU-5/ -ya-at-ta GUSKIN 



188 The only words suitable as restorations are Dva pu!la and Dva pulluriya, but they seldom occur. Moreover, 
since the determinative DUG is lacking in this text, I have given no restoration. 

189 The many scribal errors on this tablet could account for the omission of a -ni, even though in line 8' (with 
certainly KUR URU) and line 21' Kummanni is written with -man- and not with -ma-an-. H. Otten, Eine 
althethitische Erzahlung urn die Stadt Zalpa, StBoT 17, 1973, 40 gives ^Kum-ma-an. RGTC 6, 220 s. v. 
Kuma: "oder eher xmu Kum-ma-an<-ni> zu lesen?". 

190 Could huganni be an orthographical alternative for hutanni (cf. hupigaltawant)! The most plausible 
explanation is, however, a scribal error. 

191 The text is inaccurately recorded. One would expect D UT\J-§I, which is difficult to understand, to be 
preceded by a verb like D\J-mi, pihhi. Perhaps the (adjectival?) GUSKIN in line 18' refers to a subst. at the 
end of line 17'. Although in line 18' k\a- is difficult to read on the photograph as well, a UD-[ni-li] pi-[ih-hi] 
after piran DXJ-mi also gives an impossible meaning. 

192 The way BAL is written is rather peculiar, perhaps influenced by HI. 



112 



Part Two 



24' 
25' 

26' 

27' 



p]i- ra -an D\J-mi 



] ka -ru-ii 



Translation KUB 15.11 



]A-NA D DIM.NUN.M[E 
]x-ka-ra-a[n m 



Obv. 2 

1 [ ma]kes a vow 194 [ 

2 [ ] [ ]me 

3 [ ] for the life of His Majesty [ ] His Majesty, 195 has promised 1 pair of golden breasts 

4 [ ] (of) 1 mina. Already (given). 

5 [The queen] made a vow to Allani: "In view of the fact, o goddess, my lady, that 

6 [the dark] earth (is) restrained 196 and the corn (is) repressed 

7 [if] (you), my lady, free the dark earth and the corn flourishes, 

8 [then] for the goddess will I empty a storage vessel in Hattusa 

9 and in Hakmi§. The storage vessel 

10 will I take to heart and either they shall open the storage vessel from the palace 197 

1 1 or they shall send a certain lord. 

12 And regarding the fact that to Allani 6 [....] of the temple of the Stormgod of Manuziya 198 



193 In no way is it possible to read URU before ka-ra-. Otherwise m Ka-ra- D etc. might have been 
considered. 

194 The queen probably made a vow for the sake of the king's life. 

195 For problems regarding the repetition of "His Majesty", see notes on transliteration. 

196 "Checked", "arrested" would seem a very plausible rendering of the meaning of the problematical part. 
aran, which is assumed to derive from arai- "to stop", "check", "arrest" (HW, 338). A. Unal (Hattusili III, 
TdH 3, 142 106 ) mentions arai- "sich erheben" and refers to a fasc. of HW 2 , published in the meantime. For 
arant, see further Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, "Impersonal and Reflexive Constructions of the Predicative 
Participle in Hittite", in: Fs. Bohl, 199-210 (p. 209 +53 ). O.R. Gurney's aran=an= "hot" (Hittite Prayers..., 
AAA 27, 122 6 ) does not seem plausible. Ishiyant- literally = "tied up". 

197 IS-TU E.GAL-LIM: In A. Archi, "Fetes de printemps et d'automne et reintegration rituelle d'images de 
culte dans l'Anatolie hittite", UF 5, 1973, 7-27 (p. 16) "sur ordre du palais". J. Friedrich, Die hethitischen 
Gesetze, 59 § 39a-29-30: ma-a-na-an-kdn iS-TU E.GAL-LIM a-ra-wa-ah-hi: "Wenn man ihn vom Palaste 
aus befreit ..." My preference is "(Someone) from the palace" etc., based on a possibly intentional contrast 
between palace staff and temple staff in lines 1 and 1 1 . 



Corpus of Texts 



113 



13 I have promised for the sake of His Majesty's life: yearly 199 will I 

14 give [these t]o the goddess, but because of that up till the present day 200 these I have not 

15 [ ] presented as yet. But now 

16 [ ] I have sent 25 persons to the goddess. [And] more[over] 

17 [I have] already placed [7 persons here] and 7 persons there 201 

18 [and] I will send them [ ] to the goddess and for the goddess left] it 

19 be a propitiatory gift. And if from the campaign His Majesty 

20 comes up in good condition 202 (and that campaign) is entirely complete for him, 

21 then, too, I will send 6 per[sons] to the goddess. [ 

22 1 fat ox, 6 sheep, 1 golden soul for the kings[hip 

23 on behalf of His Majesty's life, I will s[end 

24 for the most prominent persons . . . [ 

25 in Suhuriya an ome[n 

26 and for the country of Hatti [ 

27 In the year in which the queen [ 

28 into Hattusa brought [ 

29 made a vow: "If for me the god [ 

30 His Majesty alive in the palface 

31 they shall set up 203 

32 [ 

Rev. 3 

1 ' [ y]ou shall cal[l 

2' [ ] the country of Kumman[ni 

3' [ for the god]dess, my lady, 1 . . . [ 

4' [ ] of unspecified weight [ 



198 There is no question of a "Gelubde an Allani im Tempel des Wettergottes von M.", as postulated by 
RGTC 6, 363. 

199 For "yearly" cf. KUB 15.3 i 1 1. 

200 For kinun = "up till the present day", see FLAB, 146. Comparable to this is in line 15 UL kuwapi = "not 
ever as yet". 

201 1 agree with A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete...", Kl. F. 1, 191 2 : "Genauer Sinn ist mir unklar". 

202 Up = to the palace on the citadel in Hattusa. The end of the line is not clear. Dapianza could refer to the 
campaign, with the second dapianza to reinforce the first one. 

203 A possible alternative for "to set up" is "to install", "to place" (for example persons). 



114 

5' [ 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



115 



6' 

7' 



9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 

19' 
20' 

21' 

22' 
23' 

24' 
25' 

26' 

27' 



Kata]paili.' 



[ for] the life of His Majesty, to Khara [ 

[ ] made a vow. Already (given). Kat[apaili. 



] His Majesty. The queen . . . from Kummanni [ 
] we ... and because for the goddess 
] ... I was 
] I will allot ... 
] I will give [to the godd]ess, my lady. 



In Hurma the queen made to DEM.NfUN.ME 

of Kummanni a vow: "If DIM.NUN.ME [ 

does not seize His Majesty, 

then 1 silver hutanni (and) 1 gol[den] hutanni, (both) 

filled with fine oil [ ] His Majesty 

(of) gold (of) 1 mina will I make beforehand." Al[ready] gi[ven]. 

If DIM.NUN.ME does not [seize] His Majesty any more 

and does not turn round towards him [aga]in, then [ 

I will come [to] Kummanni and for the goddess 

[ ] appearing I will make an offering. With (a) finger(s) 

[ ] and for you His Majesty ... gold 

[ ] I will make beforehand. 

[ ] Already (given). 



[ 



] to DIM.NUN.M[E 
]...[ 



KUB 15.23 



Transliteration KUB 15.23 



Obv. 2 

1' 

2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



Rev. 



] x x x [ 

] (-)[ ] 
JA^-NA D UTU-& <m -^Ne^-ri-i[k 



cqJuk 1 (-) [ ] 



]-as-si-kdn URUDU ^US-SKIN 1 tar- [ na^-at-^i 
]-si URUDU GUSKiN [ se-i? 
]x x[ ] I-NA ruRU Wwr-' mc?-as-si 
EGIR -an a-sa-an- ta -an i-ya-un 206 
l ma<-a-an DTNGTR-LIM A-NA m Tu- [ ut-ha l -li- [ ya ] 
pi-an hu-u-e-ya-si 

nu A-NA DINGIR-I/MTUG.GU.E.A HUR-RI [ \JR\JDU GUSKIN 1207 ap-pa-an- 1 no 1 
HUB.BI GUSKIN i-ya-mi 



l A^-NA NIN.DINGIR <URV> Ku-us-sa- [ ra ]2m x[ 
a -pi-e-da-ni-pat me-mi-n[i 
se-irKI-Llhl! 1 GUSKIN 
:hu-wa-ah-hu-wa-ar-ta- at-ta 
DU-/W 



17' r MUNUS 1 .LUGAL-za-/W« A-NA °UTU AN-£ §A um] Hu-ha-na 
18' [kis]-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an DINGIR-Z,t/MEN-Z4 D UTU-& 
19' [MU.H]I.A 209 Tl-nu-si nu-za DJNGIR-LUM hal-zi- 1 ya-mi 1 



The proper name at the end of the paragraph (also in 7') is remarkable. 



205 Much of the text of the Obv. is written over the edge of this very round tablet, e.g. line 10' ends on the 
Rev. 

206 The form i-ya-un occurs in addition to that of i-ya-nu-un, consequently it is not necessary to insert -nu-. 

207 The three signs of URUDU GUSKIN are squeezed into two. 

208 rqyc g 230 does not mentioned this occurrence of KuSSara. 



116 

20' 
21' 

22' 



Part Two 



[S]A °imj-$I-ya-aS-si F ALAM ] [GUSKIN 



DU-mi KiJlAIbI NU.GAL 



[ 



] 



[ 



ka]-ru-[ii 



23 ' [MU]NUS.LUGAL-za-M« x 210 A-NA D [ 
24' [kis]-an IK-RU-[UB 



]x[ 



Translation KUB 15.23 



Obv. 
1' 

2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



]...[ 

] for His Majesty Neri[k 
and you?] shall leave for him copper (and) gold [ 
] for him because of the copper (and) gold 
] for him in Hurma 
have made reality again, 
f you, o divinity, to Tuthaliya 
show support 

then for the goddess I will make a copper (and) golden //wrn'-cloak 211 and thereafter 
golden earring(s). 



For the priestess of KuSSara [ 
because of precisely that matte[r 
a golden wreath 
(as) neck ornament 212 
will I make. 



209 D. Stirenhagen, "Zwei Gebete Hattusilis und der Puduhepa. Textliche und literaturhistorische 
Untersuchungen",^oF8, 1981, 83-168 (p. 143) fills in [GI]R?.HI.A. 

210 Probably no sign is intended between -ton and A-NA. 

211 For the translation "cloak", see V. Haas, review of A. Unal, Ein Orakeltext..., BiOr 36, 59 with an 
incomprehensible reference to CAD S. 

212 For :hu(wa)hhurtalla, see E. Laroche, "Textes de Ras Shamra...", in: Ugar. V, 777. 



Corpus of Texts 



117 



Rev. 



17' To the Sun-god of heaven of Huhana the queen made 

18' [the following vow: "If you, o god, my lord, make His Majesty 

19' live [for yearjs, then I will invoke the god 

20' and for him a [golden] statue of His Majesty will I 

21 ' make, [of unspecified] weight 

22' [ ] [ Alread]y (given). [ 

23' The [qu]een made to (the god) [ 

24' [the following vo[w: 



KUB 31.77 



Transliteration KUB 31. 77 



Obv. 1 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 



[ ]x mv Ne-ri-iq-qa7 [ 

[ ]x x 213 MUNUS.LUGAL-wa 

[I-N]A mv HA-AT-TI e-es-ta 

[nu]-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL ml } Ha-at-tu-sa-az 

kat-ta it-it nu-za I-NA mu Zi-it-ha-ra 

SISKUR.MES i-ya-at nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL 

A-NA GE 6 SISKUR is-ha-ah-ru-wa-as 

[k]u-u-un \J-TUM I-MUR nu-wa za-as-hi-ya A-BU-YA 

ma-a-an EGTR-pa TI-es-sa-an-za-pdt7 2U 

nu-wa-kdn u-sa-ru-un-ti-in ma-a-an ku-in-ki 

an-na-al-li-in SA A-BI- YA x? 

sa-ra-a u-un-hi-es-ki-iz-zi nu-wa-ra-an-kdn u-uh-ta 

ma-a-an nu-wa-kdn wa-a-tar ma-a-an sa-ra-a 

hu-u-it-ti-ya-an-ni-es-ki-iz-zi nu-wa me-mi-is-ki-iz-zi 



' The damages to the surface of the tablet are so serious they are not indicated by the customary sign. 
' -pat not in H. Otten, Puduhepa. .., 1975, 14 24 . 



118 



Part Two 



15 
16 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 

28 
29 



ku-it-wa-ra-an za-ah-hi-is-ki-nu-un ku-it-wa-ra-an 

za-ah-hi-is-ki-nu-un 215 nu-wa-ra-an-kdn u-un-hu-un 

nam-ma UR.BAR.RA-ya-wa-kdn ku-is an-da [e-e]s-ta 

\nu-wa-r\a-an-kdn sa-ra-a hu-u-it-ti-ya-nu-un 

ma-a-an-ma a-si UR.BAR.RA Tl-cm-za ma-a-an{-) x? 

[ ]x :sa-an-du-ri-[s]a ma-a-an 

[U-UL Tl-a]n-za nu-wa-as-si-kdn x nu x x 

[ sa-ra]- a hu-u-it-ti-an-za nu-wa A-BU-YA 

[ me-mi]-is-ki-iz-zi sa-ra-a-wa-ra-an-kdn 

[ hu-u-it]-ti-ya-nu-un 

[ ]ku-it sa-an-du-ri-sa 2 ' 6 

[ ]x x x an-da SUD-aw? 

[ ]x x x ka-a-as-za [ 



]x-an [ 
]x[ 



Obv.2 21/ 
1 [ 



M 



2 [I\-MUR x[ 

3 ma-a-an [ 

4 nu-wa E x[ 

5 &4^?-x-x x[ 

6 ,4-M4 MUNUS.LU[GAL 

7 SA-ta [ ]x x x-i-iz-[ 

8 e-ni-is-wa-ra-at za-as-hi-ya x[ 

9 ma-a-an u-e-ta-an-[td\-at 

10 nu-wa-ra-atl x x [ ]x x.ME§ 

1 1 nu-wa-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL [ 



]-x-x 



215 The repetition of the text could be a scribal error. 

216 A gloss sign could have stood in the damaged space before sandurisa. Although a (damaged) sign TA has 
been written, §A could be read on the grounds of line 20. 

217 Column 2 is most seriously damaged. Consequently the text is extremely uncertain: Cf. F. Sommer, 



review of KUB 31, OLZ44, 1941, 58-61 (p. 58). 



Corpus of Texts 



119 



]MUNUS.LUGAL? 218 



J sa-la-as-hu-us 



12 ma-a-an MUNUS.LUGAL x x x [ 

13 nu-wa-mu-kdn U-UL [ 

14 ma-a-an U-NU-UT MUNUS.LUGAL [ \-ra-an harf X9 -kdn-zi 

15 nu-wa-ra-at an-da [apYpi-is-kdn-zi 

16 GAD220 hu-u-up-pi-ya-al-la-ya[ \ma-a-an 

17 ku-e-qa MUNUS.LUGAL ki-nu-un i-ya-nu-un 

1 8 nu-wa a-pi-e-ya LUME sa-la-as-hu-us se-kdn-zi 

19 nu-wa-ra-at an-da ap-pi-is-kdn-zi 

20 nu-wa-as-ma-[as] MUNUS.LUGAL ma-a-an x[ 

21 nu-wa-[as]-ma-as me-mi-is-ki-mi [ ]x 

22 su-me-el E? [ 

23 U-UL x x[ 

24 nu-wa [ 

25 x[ 



]x 



Rev. 3 

1' f Pu-du-h[e-pa(-) 

T VlU ^TUL-wta 

3' D Kar-zi-is D Ha-\pa-an-ta-li-ya-as 221 

4' a-pa-a-as-ma-wa LU.GURUS ku-is [ 

5' ar-ta-ri nu-wa-ra-as me-[ 

6' nu-wa A-NA MUNUS.LUGAL ma-a-an me 222 -[ 

T f Pu-du-he-pa li-e-wa n[a-ah1- 

8' zi-ik-wa-an-kdn 22 ku-it [ 

9' nu-wa-ra-an-ta am-mu-uq SIG5-[ 

10' nu-wa-za a-si LU.GURUS MUNUS.LUGAL x[ 

1 1 ' e-ip-ta Tl-an-za-wa-ra-as e-x 224 [ 



218 Traces at the end of the line suggest MUNUS.LUGAL, but this reading is grammatically unlikely. 

219 If HAR is the correct reading (§E is not impossible), the restoration \pi-]ra-an could produce the meaning 
'to hold before'. One would have expected 'to hold back'. 

220 The first sign could be either GlS or GAD. GAD is preferable, because the element hup- frequently occurs 
in woven objects and because it is more plausible that the queen made woven rather than wooden objects. 

221 Cf. W. Riedel, Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen Keilschrifttafeln aus Bogazkoy, 1949, 15 and A. 
Kammenhuber, "Die hethitische Gottin Inar", ZA 66, 1976, 68-88 (p. 76). 

222 For a possible me[miskizzi see note to translation. 

223 The reading -ik- and -an- are uncertain. 



120 



Part Two 



12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 



[ { ]Pu-du-he-pa-as nu-wa-za-kdn ku-[ra-ak-ki(-) 
ha-as-si-ik-du nu-wa-ra-as GI ku-ra-[ak-ki(-) 
^HA-AT-TI pi-ra-cm :u-sa-an-[ta-ri{-) 
nam-ma-ya-wa ku-e me-ik-ki-ya [ 
INIM.ME& a-as-sa-u-wa me-mi-is-ki-[iz-zi 
nu-wa-ra-at-mu-kdn U-UL SA-ta x[ 



n225 



Translation KUB 31. 77 



Obv. 1 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 



[ ] .... Nerik [ 

[ ] but the queen was 

[i]n Hattusa, 

[and] from Hattusa the queen came 

down and in Zithara 

she made offerings and the queen 

saw in the night of the offering of tears 

the following dream: "In the dream my father (was) in some way or another 226 

alive again and 

in some way or another 227 

of former times, of my father, 

he brought to life and he fed him 228 

as it were, and he drew up something like water 

and he said: 229 



Could be restored further: e-e[s-du. 

.GlS 



For kurakki(s) . . . hassikdu see N. Br., 63. 



225 , 

226 The rendering of ma-a-an is inspired by that of H.G. Gilterbock apud Dreams, 204: "In a dream 
something like my father has risen again, alive, ...". This indefinite man is a correction of Gilterbock' s 
former opinion that here, as so often, man should be translated as "how" (H.G. Gilterbock Kumarbi. Mythen 
vom Churritischen Kronos aus den hethitischen Fragmenten zusammengestellt, ubersetzt und erklart, 1946, 
59). See also CHD L-N, 146. 

227 There is absolutely no certainty as to the meaning of uSarunta/i- (source). In cursive letters plus question 
mark in H. Otten, Puduhepa. .., 13. 

228 The meaning of unh- = "feed?" is very uncertain. E. Laroche, review of HW, RA 48, 1954, 47-49 (p. 48) 
"sucer?". I have translated the present -Sk- form as "to bring to life" (durativum). The alternate use of present 
-sk- forms and the imperfect is remarkable. 

229 "Die Bedeutung seiner Worte im Traum bleibt unklar" (H. Otten, Puduhepa..., I.e.). 



Corpus of Texts 



121 



1 5 "Why did I fight against him, why 

16 did I fight against him, and fed him 

17 further (and) also pull up a wolf 

18 that was in it? 

1 9 And that wolf (was) either alive or 

20 [ ] sandurisa,™ or 

2 1 [ not ali]ve and for him [ 

22 [ ] pulled up and my father 

23 [ sa]id: "I [pul]led him 

24 [ u]p 

25 [ ] because ... sandurisa 

26 [ ] drawn into it 

27 [ ] these [ 



28 
29 



]...[ 



Obv. 2 

1 [ 

2 [she] saw [ 

3 in some way or another 231 [ 

4 and the .... (house) [ 

5 of[ 

6 to the que[en 

7 in the heart [ 

8 that it in a dream [ 

9 in some way or another they were built [ 

10 and that .... [ 

11 and the queen .... [ ] 



230 I have not found sandurisa, with or without gloss sign, in any dictionary or list of words. In line 20 the 
text would seem to suggest a meaning like "unconscious", "half-alive". 

231 In this second column too, man occurs remarkably often: lines 3, 9, 12, 16 and 20. To indicate that, in my 
opinion, man here in most cases also "renders indefinite", I have translated it in most cases as "in some way 
or another". There are too many damages to the text to admit of any certainty regarding the translation. 



122 Part Two 

12 or (?) the queen [ ] the queen? [ 

13 And did not [ ] the grooms hold for me 232 

14 in some way or another the implement of the queen ? 

1 5 and they took possession of it. 

1 6 And also I, the queen, had just made 

17 certain hupiyallas, 233 

18 and those, too, the grooms succeeded in finding 

1 9 and they took possession of them. 

20 And if for them I, the queen, [ 

2 1 then I will say to them [ 

22 your .... house ?[ 

23 not [ 

24 and [ 

25 [ 



Rev. 3 

1 ' Puduh[epa 

2' the Sun-goddess of Arin[na 

3' Karzi (and) Hafpantaliya 

4' And that 234 young man who 

5' is and he [ 

6' "And for the queen .... in some way or another 235 [ 

7' Puduhepa, .... must not f[ear? 

8 ' because of the fact that you him 

9' and him will I for you well [ 

10' and that young man took . . . the queen [ 

11 ' (and) he .... alive [ 

12' Puduhepa and the ku[rakki 236 



232 Salasha has been translated as "groom", a general connotation because it is not known wether he looked 
after horses or mules, or both: cf. R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle, StBoT 4, 72 and L. Jakob-Rost, 
"Beitrage zum hethitischen Hofzeremoniell (IBoT 1.36)", MO 11, 1966, 165-225 (p. 210). 

233 The verb is in the preterite tense. Could hupiyalla- mean "horse-blanket"? 

234 As from this line, the entire column is in direct speech. 

235 Here man can definitely not mean "if because -wa in line T indicates the beginning of a new sentence, 
possibly introduced by a vocative Puduhepa. If the latter is correct, then it might be possible to fill in 
me[miskizzi in line 6'. 



Corpus of Texts 



123 



13' must do himself well and he ... the kura[kki 

14' for Hattusa man [tari 2il 

1 5 ' and which further in great numbers [ 

16' he spe[aks] favourable words [ 

17' then for me that will not in the heart 238 [ 



KUB 48.118 



Transliteration KUB 48.118 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 



[U-rt/MMUNUS.LUGAL I-N ]A ^U-us-sa I-MUR nu-wa za-as-hi^ya 1 x[ 
[ e-es-t]a ku-is nu-wa-ra-as-kdn HUR.SAG-? ma-a-an a[n-da 

r t * ~ • NA4 ' ■ - i r .239 

[ nu]-wa-as-si pa-at-ta pi-ra-an is-nu-u-[wa-i 

[ D]U-n nu-wa NI.TE ^STU-Sl GAR-ri GAM-an-ma-wa-as-[si 

]x HUL-lu-ma-wa GAR-ri GAM-an-ma-wa-as-s[i] 



]-at-ta-an-za GAR-ri nu-wa DAM m Gaz-zu -wa-al-la ku-[is] 



[ 

[ 

[ MUNUS ENS]I SA MUNUS.LUGAL e-es-ta nu 240 a-pa^-as ma-a-an e-es-zi 

[nu-wa] NM pa-ad-da a-pa-a-as ma-a-an pu-nu-us-ki-iz-zi 

[ ]x ki -nu-un-na-wa-za U-UL ha-a-si am-me-el-wa-at-ta 

[ku-wa]-pi MUNUS ENSI se-ir pu-nu-us-ki-mi nam-ma-wa-kdn 

^ M pa-at-ta-as an-da DVG hu-u-pu- wa-a-i du-wa-ar-na GAR-n 

[n]u-wa me-mi-is-ki-iz-zi &A D UTU-<$7 ku-i-e-es an-na-u-li-us 

LU KUR.ME§ nu-wa-ra-as ^TU-^/ kis-an ar-ha du-wa-ar-na-i 

[n]u-wa m \M..MAK-UJ-is GAL DUB.SAR GUB-/7 nu-wa- ra^-at-za ha-ah-ri-ya-at 

[am]-mu-uk-ma-wa-as-si U-UL me-ma-ah-hu-un ku-it-ma-an-wa-kdn 

U^-NA MU.5.KAM EGIR-pa (-)an-da nu-wa-ad- 1 du\a A-NA KARAS.HI.A 

[h]a-a-an-za u-uk har-mi nu-wa a -pa-a-at U-UL 1-D1 



236 According to HW, 117, Gl hurakki is part of a house. 

237 :usan[tari: see notes to translation of KUB 15.9 ii 4'. 

238 SA-ta = karta is to be understood as an archaic directive sg." (G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth rituals, 1979, 
206). 

239 It could be necessary to restore this line with a 1st. sing, ishuwahhi. 

240 nu-<wa> could have stood in the text. 



124 Part Two 

18 m[a-a-a]n-wa-ra-as 241 IS-TU^vlME^SU^-NU im-ma ku-it-ki G\JB-la-ah-ha-c 



19 

20 
21 

22 
23 
24 



nu^-wa lf] Am-mi-i-is 242 ku-is-ki AMA MUNUS.LUGAL DAM m I-id-du 
nu-w]a- ra -[as] se-es-zi [ku\-e-da-ni-ik-ki pl-di MA-YA-L[U 

]x SA LUGAL-LT-77 is-pdr-ra-an-za nu-wa-as-si-kdn x[ 

] se -es-zi m Pi-ha- n \J-ta-as-sa- wa -r[a 
nu-wa MUNUS.LUG]AL me-mi-is-ki-mi ki-i-wa [ 
-a]n- za e-es-ta ki-nu-un -\na 



Translation KUB 48.118 



1 [Dream of the queen. I]nU§Sa she saw (a dream). 2 And in the dream [ 

2 [ wa]s a sort of ... and if in the mountains he [ 

3 [ then ... will] throw patta stones before him [ 

4 [ ] shall happen and the body of His Majesty lies there and [therejunder 

5 [ ] and evil lies (there) and thereunder 

6 [ ] lies ,... 244 and the wife of Gazzuwalla w[ho] 

7 was dream-[interpretress] of the queen and if the way she is present 

8 [ and] the way if she examines the patta stones, 

9 [ ] you now also have no confidence. For you I will 

10 [someti]me interrogate my own 245 dream-interpretress about that. Further 

1 1 (there) lay on the patta stones (a) broken? 246 jar(s) 

12 and she said: "The enemies of His Majesty who (are) like these, 

13 these shall His Majesty break in a like manner." 

14 and UR.MAH-ziti, the head scribe, was present 247 and raked those (potsherds) (together) 



241 There is little space in the copy for m[a-a-d\n. 

242 In the index of persons in the text copy, MUNUS is not read in front of Ammi. The context, however, 
makes this MUNUS inevitable. 

243 Since it is often not clear who is speaking in this text, he can probably often be replaced by she or it. 
1 At the beginning of this line there was probably a substantive. 



Ammel belongs with 



^ENSI. 



245 

246 As form, duwarna cannot be explained, unless we assume a nether plural form of an adjective duwarna- 
which does not occur elsewhere and which is assumed in theory by H. Eichner, "Die Vorgeschichte des 
hethitischen Verbalsystems: Flexion und Wortbildung", in: Akten der V. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen 
Gesellschaft, 1975, 71-103 (p. 98). Objections to this are expressed inter alia in N. Oettinger, Die 
Stammbildung. . . , 5 1 36 . The verb duwarnai- = Hurr. hub = "to break", on which Dua hupuwai is formed. 

247 For the meaning of GUB-ri = artari, cf. E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 6. 



Corpus of Texts 



125 



15 
16 

17 
18 



but I did not allow him (this) until 

the fifth year thereafter, and to the troops for you I myself will 

offer assistance 248 and that I do not know 

if they thwart them somehow with their own hands. 



1 9 And (there was) a certain Ammi, mother of the queen, wife of Iddu, 

20 [and she] slept: at a certain spot a resting-place 

21 [ ] of the kingship (was) spread and for her [ 

22 [ ] slept and Pihatarhunta [ 

23 [and] I, [the que]en, said: "These [ 

24 [ ] was [and] now [ 



KUB 48.126 



Transliteration KUB 48. 126 



V 

T 



[ 



] X X x [ 

]GUSKIN x [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 



[U 249 ] MUNUS.LUGAL INIM A fMuSENl [ 250 

[ku]-wa-pi an-da nu-za-kan x 251 [ 

[m\a-a-an-wa A-NA °UTU-5/x [ 

[k]u-e D Pi-ri-in-ki-ra- as [ 

IS-TU NM mu-us-nu-wa-an t[i-it? 252 - 

te-eh-hi A MuSEN HI.A-.ya ku-ih\es 

SA-PAL KAP-PI.ME& A^ 5 ™ r ALAM ] LUGAL-^a? 1 [ 



10' U MUNUS.LUGAL \J-it-wa-mu MUNUS Az-zi-in-n[a 



248 This connotation of hanza hark- is to be found in H.A. Hoffher, "An English. . .", RHA 80, 72 146 . 

249 Although the restoration \J-TUM would be desirable because of parallelism with, for example, KUB 15.1 
ii 2 ff, there is not enough space for it here. A single stroke of U can be seen on the copy. 

250 For a possible, though abbreviated, restoration at the end of the lines 3' and 4', see KUB 15.1 i 2-4. 

251 The traces after KAN are too few to read A[-NA or MUN[US.LUGAL. For kuwapi anda see note KUB 
15.1 i 3. Certainly not as given in R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 216: "Lorsque". 

252 Possibly NAt is not a determinative, but a substantive. MuShuwan- could be part of a verbal form. 



126 



Part Two 



11' 

12' 



:pa-la-ya-na-al-li-ya-an-za GAL KU.BABBAR-y[a 
a-ri-ya-u-en nu D I$TAR XMU §a-mu-ha SI x SA-[at 



1 3 ' XJ-it A-^NA 1 ^[TU-ST] {{] A-ru-mu-ra-as GU[B- 253 
14' a-ri-ya-u-en nu D IS[TA]R um] Sa-mu-ha SI x S[A-a/ 



15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 

19' 

20' 
21' 

22' 
23' 

24' 
25' 
26' 
27' 
28' 
29' 
30' 

31' 

32' 



A-NA MUNUS.LUGAL D I$TAR {vwS] $a-mu-ha \J-i[t 
ka-a-as-ma-wa-at-tdk-kdn GUR-ZI-IP m[u- 
BAL-ah-hi nu-wa u-wa-si ku-wa-pi nu-x [ 
]. r A? GUSKIN 1 -^ u-da(-) 255 [ 



JA-NA »ISTAR) vwi Sa-mu ] -h[a 
kis-a]n IK-[RU-U]B ma-a-an-wa-m[u 
\pi-ra-an h]u-u-ya-si 256 nu-wa A-NA D I[STAR 

]x 1 UR.MAH-tar KU.BABBAR 20 GI[N 
-s]i 1 GU 4 8 UDU.HLA/M-Atf D x 257 [ 



]x ku-wa-pi hu-up-pi-ya-al-[la 

]x MUNUS.LUGAL A- [ NA* ^ISTAR m ** $(?-[mu-ha 

]x D UTU-Sl [l3 lSTAR ] URU [&i-i»i]«-tAa 

]x-si nu [ 

]x-at a-[ 
^Sla-muha 1 [ 



]x- r zf 1 [ 



-k]dn [ 



f Dl [ 



253 The reading GUB is in no way certain and consequently is left out of the translation. 

254 Slight traces can be discerned at the beginning of the line. 

255 There could have been signs at the end which could have produced the form, e.g. u-da-ah-hi or u-da-a-i. 

256 For restoration cf. KUB 15.23 Obv.9': pi-an hu-u-e-ya-si. 

257 The v Pirinkir mentioned in line 6' could have occurred at the end of the line. The traces do not indicate 
ISTAR. 



Corpus of Texts 



127 



Translation KUB 48.126 

V [ 

T [ ] golden [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



[Dream] of the queen. The matter of the eagle [ 

at a certain moment therein and [ 

"If for His Majesty [ 

which (the goddess) Pirmkir [ 

with a musnuwa- [ 

will I place and the eagles whic[h 

under the wings (of) the eagle and a statue of the king [ 



1 ' Dream of the queen. Through a dream ... to me an Azzinna woman [ 

1 1 ' palayanalliyanza and a silver goblet [ 

12' we made an oracular inquiry and Istar of Samuha was designated. 

13' Through a dream 260 Arumura for Hi[s Majesty] ... [ 

14' We made an oracular inquiry and Is[tar] of Samuha was designated. 

15' To the queen . . . Iitar of Samuha through a dre [am 

16' "behold for you a cuirass 261 [ 

17' I will offer and you shall come away somewhere, 262 then [ 

18' [ ] and bring golden .... [ 



19' [ ] to Istar of §amuh[a 

20' [ made the following v[ow:] "Iftomeyou [ 

2 1 ' [show] support, then to I [star 



258 See note to transliteration. The translation could therefore run: "with a stone musnuwan-". 

259 Azzinna women also occur in KUB 15.5+ iii 16. 

260 See note to transliteration. 

261 For GUR-ZI-IP see H.M. Kilmmel, Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 3, 105 ff. Gurzipi as Human word in HW, 322 
"Halsberge". Gurbisi in E. Laroche, "Glossaire. . . I", RHA 34, 1 55. 1 do not know why "necklace" is given as 
translation in R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 216. Lines 16'-18' were probably spoken by the queen. XS-it in 15' 
would then have to mean "appeared in a dream", which could be followed by "... and the queen spoke:". 
Since parallels are lacking, I have not inserted this restoration in the text. 

262 Both verbs are conceived of as occurring in a conditional clause. 



128 



Part Two 



22' 
23' 

24' 
25' 
26' 



[ ] 1 silver lion statue 263 of 20 Se[kels 

[ ] 1 ox and 8 sheep for (the divinity) [ 



[ ] when the huppiyal[lal 

[ ] the queen .... to Ktar of Sa[muha 

[ ] His Majesty Istar of [§am]u[ha 

Translation of lines 27'-32' is impossible. 



KUB 60.97 (Bo 1728) 

Text published by D. Groddek, Hethitische Texte in Transkription KUB 60, Dresdner Beitrage zur 
Hethitologie 20, 2006. Possible join with KUB 31.71, see Konkordanz. 



181/u 



Transliteration 181/u 



1 [ 

2 [ 

3 [ 



yzi-ya 265 [ 
is-t]a-ma-as-ti [ 
]x 1 ZI KU.BABBAR 1 [MA-NA 



]-an MUNUS.LUGAL | 
]-an-za se-ir [ 
jx-wf 266 -// [ 



263 "Lion statue": see note to KBo 8.61:3'. 

264 Huppiyalla -'scalp", "top of the head", providing identical with (fjnj) hupalla (Cf. DLL, 48 with lit., where 
hupiyalla is not mentioned). Both spellings possibly occur in the oracle text KBo 2.2 i 41 ff.: nu-kdn "^TU- 
§1 hupl-al-la-za-ma ku-e-da-as UD.KAM.HI.A wa-al-ah-ha-an-zi: "and in the days that they hit His Majesty 
on the top of his head" and in line 53 where §A UD.KAM hup-pi-al-la-as-kdn "in the day(s) of the top of the 
head" the deity perhaps descents that the king has fever. In view of the possible dating of KBo 2.2 and KUB 
48.126 in the reign of Hattuslli III and the extremely rare occurrence of hupiyalla, it is plausibly the same 
incidence of illness that is mentioned here and that KBo 2.2 refers to the oracular inquiries about the illness 
of the king, on whose behalf a vow is made in KUB 48.126. 

265 The most likely restoration would be to form Manuzziya or another city name. Zl-YA does not occur in 
votive texts. 



Corpus of Texts 



129 



Translation 181/u 



]-kdn [ 
]x ar-nu-s[i 
]x xx x[ 



1 

2 
3 

4 

5 
6 

7 



[ ]• • . [ 


[ ] you shall listen [ 


[ ]1 silver soul (of) 1 [mina 


[ ] the queen [ 


f ] because of [ 


[ ] you shall [ 


[ ].-.[ 


[ ] you shall bring [ 


[ ].-.[ 



KBo 3.51 



Transliteration KBo 3.51 



3. CTH 590: Fragments of votive texts 



V 

T 



M ]x[ 

f^AMMA^ra-t 



3' [ JA^-NA D I$TAR [ 

4' [ ]x-nu-mar-ra 261 IK-R[U-UB 



266 OrUD-rt. 

267 It is not clear whether -numarra is the ending of a place name, a personal name or the name of a god. 



130 



Part Two 



5' [ A-N]A U ISTAR LlOl 



6' 



[ A-N]A [Dl [ 



Translation KBo 3.51 



V 

2' 

3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 



KBo 8.61 



] the tutelary god of (the city of) Ta- 



] to Istar [ 

] made the vo[w 



t]o Istar of the field [ 
t]o [ 



Transliteration KBo 8. 61 

1' [ 

2' [ 1 

3' [ 

4' [ 

5 ,268 f 

6' [ 

7' [ 

8' [ 

9' f 



]x[ 



U]R.MAH-tarKU.BABBAR&l 1 M[A.NA] 



n.'.i 



]UDU pi-ih-hi ka-ru- u 



m]a-a-an DJNGIR-LUM ^XJTU-Sl IGI.HI A 
p\i-ih-hi nu A-NA DING1R-LIM 
l-NU-]TUMlGI.m.A KU.BABBAR 2 MA.NA 
-u]z-zi 
-d\a-as 



10' [ 



] X X X XXX 



268 The copy erroneously allows for an extra line 5' after line 4'. It is certain that no text follows after karu in 
that paragraph. Consequently my numbering is from there on lower than on the copy. 



Corpus of Texts 



131 



Translation KBo 8. 61 



V 

T 

3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



a] silver statue of a lion of 1 m[ina 
] sheep will I give. Already (given). 



] If (you), o divinity, the eyes of His Majesty 
] will I give and to the divinity 
1 pa]ir of silver eyes (of) 2 minas 



10' 



KBo 8.62 

Transliteration KBo 8.62 

Obv. 

1' Uki-x[ 



T u£4 27orDl x[ 

3 ' SA NA, UL-TE-[BI-LA ? 2 

4' °Ugi-e-x[ 

5' U-ULI-RU-UB x[ 



6' 

7' 



r U 1 f E-en-t[a-an-m 212 
[1]S-TE-'I-M[A? 



269 For UR.MAH-tar = "statue of a lion" see E. Laroche, review of KBo 8, OLZ 1957, 134-137 (p. 135 f.). 

270 Here SA is written with a sign seldom used: In R. Labat, Manuel d'epigraphie akkadierme, 1959, 162 the 
last sign in the Middle Babylonic column. 

271 1 thank Prof. W.H. van Soldt for the readings in this line and in line 7'. 

272 Reading as in E. Laroche, "Etudes hourrites", RA 54, 1960, 187-201 (p. 192). 



132 



Part Two 



]x x[ 



Rev. 




1' 


[ M 


2' 


e-si[r 


3' 


nu E.ME[S 


4' 


KlSLAH GlSr KIRI 6 1 [ 


5' 


an-da-ya-as-si pi-i[h-hi 


6' 


pi-ra-an i-ya-at-t\a-ai 


7' 


sa-ak-la-in t[u- 


8' 


GlS GIGIR a-sa-an-n[a-a& 


9' 


x- ti ma-a- an [ 


10' 


[ ]x(-) r a»\-)[ 



Translation KBo 8. 62 



Obv. 
I' 274 A dream... [ 



2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



Dream of (the god) 275 [ 
who had the stone bro[ught 
the Stormgod .. [ 
he did not enter [ 



Dream of the pri[estess 

[s]he sough[t 

[ 



Rev. 
1' 



273 Other possible restorations are -t[a, -t[a-ri or -t\a-ru 

274 Since this text bears little resemblance to other texts, it is difficult to conceive what its contents are. 

275 If this reading is correct, the dream of a god could be described here. 

276 MUNUS entanni = "priestess". Cf. KUB 15.5+ ii 10' and note. 



Corpus of Texts 



133 



2' 


they we [re 


3' 


and the hous[es 


4' 


a threshing floor, a garde[n 


5' 


and therein [I will g]ive for him [ 


6' 


went in front 


7' 


the custom (ace.) [ 


8' 


a chariot to sift on 


9' 

Id' 


if[ 



KBo 8.63 

Transliteration KBo 8. 63 
Obv. 1 



1' 



1 ~ ma'-a-an-za F LUGAL KUR 1 U[RU 



2' I-NAMU.l.KAM^A^l 



3 ' °UTU-5/ ku-in me-mi-an I-D[I 211 

4' nu A-NA °E.A UA-NA D Al-x-x-x 21s [ 

5' A§-RU-ma a-ri-ya-an-zi nu ku-e-da-ni pi?-[di 219 

6' u-e-da-ah-hi nam-ma-at 7&7Z/NAM.RA.ME[S 

T 1 BI-IB-RU KTJ.BABBAR MA.NA 1 BI-IB-RU UR.M[AH 

8 ' 40 NAM.RA.MES pi-ih-hi GAL tap-ri pu-nu-us- 1 mi 1 [ 



9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 



D UTU-& ku-in me-mi-an SA URV Sap-la I-DI nu ku-[inl 

a-pu-u-un me-mi-an : to -pdr-ri-ya-i D ISTAR URU La- a -[u-wa-za-an-ti-ya 

^IGs-m 1 as-sa-nu-si ^ni? A-NA D I$TAR VRU La-a-u-wa-z[a-an-ti-ya 

[ M]E§ u-e-da-ah-hi nam-ma-at IS-TU KU.BAfBBAR 



Although the traces of the signs do not positively indicate -di, I-DI is nevertheless expected because of 
line 9'. 

278 The second sign in the divine name could be LI. E. Laroche, "Recherches...", RHA 46, contains no name 
which could be appropriate. 

279 The traces are slightly different from that of a normal PL 



134 



Part Two 



13' 
14' 
15' 



]pu- ra -ap-si ar-ha sar-ni-i[k-zi 
] r SI x SAV/ na-a[t 
]x(-)du(-)x[ 



Rev. 4 
1' [ 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



[ 



M 

]x-W-[z]/ DTNGIR-LU[M 



280- 



]-x har-na-a-u-wa-as Ux[ 



^-TI/ESAG.USxt 
DINGIR-LUM^A-ruJui-lna 
hal-zi-ih-hi \ 



T 
8' 
9' 
10' 



]x-mu 2m fDl [ 



pi-ra-an [ 

nu-mu-u\s 

r GIM 1 -[aw 



Translation KBo 8. 63 

Obv. 1 

1 ' If the king of the land [ 

2' in the 7 th year of [ 



3 ' The matter of which His Majesty kne[w 

4' andtoEaandtoAl... [ 

5' and the place shall be made the subject of an oracular inquiry and at which pla[ce? 

6' I will build. Furthermore those with civilian prisoners 

7' 1 silver rhyton of 1 mina, 1 lion rhyt[on 



Either an ideogram or ... -p]a stood at the beginning of this line. In any case there is more space available 
than that taken by MUNUS. 
281 Collation could make [ma-a-a]n-mu possible. 



Corpus of Texts 



135 



8' 40 civilian prisoners will I give, the great tapri I will question [ 

9' The matter concerning (the city of) Sapla of which His Majesty knew and whi[ch ..., if] 

1 ' under the guidance 283 of Istar of La[wazantiya] that matter you 

1 1 ' bring to a successful conclusion, then for Ktar of Lawaz[antiya 

12' I will build [ ]. Furthermore shall the /?wraps/-(priest) who with sil[ver 

13' [ ] repla[ce] completely 284 [ 

14' [ ] is determined and tho[se 

15' [ ] [ 



Rev. 4 

1' 
2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



[ 

[ ] they ... o go[d, 

[ ] of the birth-stool and [ 

from a permanent 285 house [ 

ogodof Arugfna 

I will invoke [ 



7' [ ] for me (the god) [ 

8' before [ 

9' and for me [ 

10' i[f 



282 The GAL tapri could be the head of the Lt(MBi) tapri(ya)s (in 110/f 2', 6', 8': H. Often, Materialien..., 
StBoT 15, 38). Hittite tapri (gen. tapriias) = "chair", "seat": J. Friedrich, "Fremde Flexionsformen in 
hethitischen Texten", RHA 47, 1947-48, 3-18 (p. 14). A Human tabri without precise meaning in E. Laroche, 
"Glossaire... II, RHA 35, 247. A Luwian LU vs tapritassi = "cult functionary" in E. Laroche, review of 
HW, RA 48, 48. 

283 Uaparriyai = dat. of subst. taparriya-7 Mentioned in DLL, 91 as verbal form without further specification. 
Also given in HW Erg. 3, 32 as 3rd. sg. pr. of the verb \tapparriya-. The latter is hardly likely, however, in 
view of the 2nd sg. verbal form in 11 '. 

284 Arha sarnink- (without meaning) in HW 2 s.v. arha, 279. Probably the verb seldom occurs. L. Zuntz, Die 
hethitischen Ortsadverbien..., 38 mentions only KUB 14.4 iii 26 f. 

285 The only parallel for E.SAG.US is nM hekur SAG.US: "ein bestandiges Felsheiligtum": H. Often, "Neue 
Quellen zum Ausklang des hethitischen Reiches", MDOG 94, 1963, 1-23 (p. 18). KUB 15.24 i 2: Cf. also 
AM, 204. 



136 
KBo 9.96 



Part Two 



Transliteration KBo 9.96 

Obv. 1 

1' \nu\-za m l§TAR [ 

2' [ ]x DINGIR-I/M-ja-x [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 

16' 

17' 
18' 



[may a l -an-za ERIN.MES KUR URlJ M[i-iz-ri-i 2 



r.-.i . 



u -wa-mi nu -za D I$TAR ta-a[l-li-ya-mi 2 



]x[ 



GlS.HUR :ga-as-tar-ha-i-ya- da ku-i-e-ei EZEN^MES 1 x[ ]x 
nu-kdn A-NA EZEN 4 .MES ne-ya-mi 



na-a-wi 



7 ' e-da-ni ku-<e>-da-ni KASKAL-s / D UTU-57 GIN-n nu-mu ma-a-an DINGIR.MES pi-ra-an 1 



hu-u-i-ya-at-te-ni nu-za KUR A-mur-ra tar-ah-mi 

na-an-za-an [ IS-T]U TUKUL tar -ah-mi na-as-ma-mu ku- ru-ra-iz -z/ 288 
]x[ ]x e-ip-mi nu-za ^ISTAR 1 He-pat 

D ISTAR] fvm} ^Ne-nu-wa INA ™* I?-ga-ta 
DING]IR-Z UM hal-zi-ya-u-wa-ar 
]x-mi 

GU§]KIN-za pi-ya-na-mi 
m\al-na-as DIJ-mi na-a-wi 



DINGI]R-L/Mkw LUGAL KUR ^ MiUz-ri-i 
na-]as-ma ta- ma -i 

]NAM.RA.ME§ 



' Mizri is filled in on the basis of line 16' 



For talliya- see O.R.Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 49 and Priere hittite, 24 ff. 
288 Text of C. Kuhne/H. Otten, Der Sausgamuwa-Vertrag, StBoT 16, 28. On the copy there is a great deal of 
space before IS-TU and very little before -ru- in kururaizzi. GS II, 213 +U8 reads: na-as-ma-za-at [I§-T]U 
G TUKUL tar-ah-mi na-as-ma-mu tdk-su-la-al-iz-zi. The copy does not support the reading of the last word 
based on the context. Nevertheless H. Klengel asserts that unsharp photograph of the original does not 
gainsay this reading. The remnants of the signs at the beginning of line 9' most closely resemble na-as-ma- 
za-kdn. The reading kururaizzi unfortunately does not make the context any clearer. 



Corpus of Texts 



137 



obv. 2 
1' x[ 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 



°UTU-57 ku-in me-m[i-an I-DI 2i 
as-sa-nu-ut-ta- ri [ 
E.MES.DINGIR.MES x 290 [ 
nu ku-e-da-ni [ 
u-e-da-ah-hi [ 
KU.BABBAR GUSKIN x[ 
1 MA.NA x [ 



9' ^ITU-SI ku-[in me-mi-an I-DI 

10' ku-wa-pi [ 



Rev. 3 

1' nal-[ 

T lx[ 



Rev. 4 
1' x[ 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



nu-wa-as-si- kdn [ 



ma-a-a[n 
nu-wa-as- 

ka-a-as^DUMU^RU-.waJar-pa^-x 291 x[ 
DU-/W i GlM^-an-ma-as ^AL-tf-e-es-ztf 
ki-sa-ri na-an A-NA D U LU pa-ri-/[;-w 



DINGI]R-I/iW? 

] 



]x x 



289 Before I-DI (restored on the grounds of KBo 8.63 i 3') a further specification oimemian could possibly be 
filled in, as e.g. in KBo 8.63 i 9'. 

290 The last sign could be NE or GIBIL. 

291 It is not certain whether the form :warpasatt[a] (KUB 35.130 ii; H.G. Guterbock, "Notes...", Or. 25, 125) 
should be filled in here. Grammatically this 3rd sg. praet. of a verb ending in -sa- is possible here. Cf. DLL, 
107 f. and U.S. Weitenberg, "Hethitisch (anda) warpa- und warpa*" , Hethitica 2, 1977, 47-52 (p. 50). 

292 GAL-/ei = Hitt. salles-. 



138 



Part Two 



? ,293 L £ G& zu _ up . pa _ ri DU-fflf 



W[ 



8 ' [wja-as-ww-za-foin £«-*'« U-az ? 294 [ 

9' [««]- »!« we -/ni-zfj: 295 - 



Translation KBo 9.96 



Obv. 1 

1 ' [and] Istar [ 

2' [ ] and for the goddess [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 

16' 



If the troops (of?) the country of E[gypt 
I will come and [I will in]voke IStar [ 
a charter gastarhaiyada 296 which festivals [ 
I will return for the festivals. Not yet (done). 



If, on the campaign on which His Majesty goes forth, (you) gods 

show me support and I conquer the country of Amurru 

and I defeat that [ ] with weapon(s) - or it is hostile to me 297 



[ 



] will I take 298 ...., then [I will ...] Istar, Hepat 
Istar of Ninuwa] in Irgata 

] the invoking, o divinity, 
] will I ... [ 
] I will reward with gold. 

] .... will I make. Not yet (made). 299 

for the go]d, and the king of Egypt 



' Reading as in H. Often, Materia lien..., StBoT 15, 10. 
The reading IJ-az is uncertain. 



294 

295 Restoration to form memiskizzi or memista is plausible. 

296 -.gastarhaiyada: with question mark and without translation in both DLL, 54 and HW Erg. 2, 44. 

297 Ku-ru-ra-iz-zi must be a derivative of kururai- = "to be hostile", while kururiya probably means "to make 
hostility" (HW, 119 = "to be hostile"). 

298 Where the main clause begins is not clear. Moreover it must be assumed that somewhere there is a second 
subordinate clause with nasma "or", either at the beginning of line 9' (see note transliteration) or at the 
beginning of 10'. 

299 In most of the votive texts, nawi indicates that the promised object has not yet been given. 



17' 
18' 



Corpus of Texts 



139 



o]r other things 
] civilian prisoners 



Obv. 2 
1' [ 



2' The matter of which His Majesty [knew 

3' is made ready [ 

4' the temples [ 

5' and for which [ 

6' I will build [ 

7' silver (and) gold [ 

8' 1 mina [ 

9' [The matter of whijch His Majesty [knew 

10' somewhere [ 



fte\ 


'.3 




r 




and [ 


2' 
Re\ 


'.4 


1[ 


1' 




[ 


2' 




Iff 


3' 




and for him [ 


4' 




this son ... 301 [ 


5' 




I will make. If 


6' 




he becomes ... 



for the divinity 



he becomes ... and him the/?ari/[/-priest] for the Stormgod [ 



The beginning of the sentence resembles KBo 8.63 i 3' and 9' 



300 

301 Here it is not possible to assume a form of warp- = "wash", because this frequently occurring verb is not 
elsewhere indicated by a gloss sign. The idea of a "post-parturitive ritual treatment of a child" by the patili- 
priest posited by G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth rituals, 1979, 294 is thereby invalidated. 



140 Part Two 

7' I will make [...] torch bearer. And [ 



8' And whom he for me through a dream [ 
9' spoke? to me: [ 



KBo 13.72 



Transliteration KBo 13. 72 



Obv. 
1' 

2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 

15' 



]x[ 
h]u-wa-ah-h[u?(-f m 
]x EGIR-a« x[ 
\kat-ta W-e ha-az-z[i-wi.Rl.A'? 
]-atW\^pa [ V\J-an-zi[ 
-z]a-kdn ^JTU-Sl kat-ta ha-ma-an-kam-mi 

]x DINGIR-ZJM-w.? 304 §A E.DINGIR-Z/MDU-mz 
-y]a IR.MES an-da a-ar-nu-an-zi 

JA^-NA DINGIR-Z/MEGIR-a« a-ra-u-ah-ha-an- ] 'zi 1 
]x EGIR-pa pu-nu-us-sa-an-zi 
U]R Li -ih-si-na ku-e-da-ni pi-di 

]x na-at EGIR-pa pu-nu- us -s[a-an-zi 
ku-e-d]a-ni pi-di E.DINGIR-ZJM u-e-[da we - 
EG]IR-pa wi-e-da-an- zi 
]x- an -na-a[z 



302 The patili-\xvsst often occurs together with the torch-men, inter alia in the birth rituals, KBo 17.65+ Rev. 
23: H.A. Hoffiier, "Birth and Name-giving in Hittite Texts", JNES 27, 1968, 198-203 (p. 198 4 ). A 
comprehensive description of the activities of the patili-priest is given by G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth 
rituals, 1979, 235 f. A transliteration and translation of KBo 17.65+ is to be found in Hittite Birth rituals, 
1979, 163 ff. 



304 



' Could be restored to form -.huwahhurtallal Cf. KUB 15.23:15' 
Is this a 'fancy' spelling for siusl Cf. E. Neu, Der Anitta-Text, StBoT 18, 122 291 . A nominative here is 



extremely problematical. Possibly a prefereable reading is A-NA DINGlR-LIM-<us>. 

305 The trace excludes -at. 

306 A form of weda- 'to build' could be restored. 



Corpus of Texts 



141 



Rev. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 



]x- r /w? ] - [ 

J-W-os EGIR-^a 1 x[ 



_r zi i307 



INIM LXJ.JE.DlNGTR.LIM-ya-as-ma-as EGIR-pa pJ m?-[s\a-an-zi™ 



iLl 



ku-\ e'-da-ni A- 1 NA DINGIR'-I/MLU.E.DINGIR-I/M I. GAL 
ku-e]- 1 da^-ni-ma A-NA DrNGIR-Z/A/LU.^.DINGIR-L/MNU.i.GAL 
]x-e? ^iS-TU 1 E.DINGIR-LIM an-da sar-ni-kdn-zi 
E.DTNGIR-Lr\M-ya-as-ma-kdn :la-ap-pa-an-zi-i-tin-ni ti-ya -zi 



; D UTU]-&-za-fa»i A-NA ^^Ta-palsJ-nu-wa [ ki£-an IK^RU^UB 
ma-a-a]n-mu wtLSAO Ta-pa- { Su l -nu-waA- [ NA D \j r AN-£ n [ 
]x-za tar-ah-mi A-NA HUR.SAG-faw GlS W-[ 
]x-x- l mil nu A-NA 1 HUR.SAG Z/^/M 1309 [ 
]x-an x [ 
]x[ 



Translation KBo 13.72 



Obv. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



]...[ 
]...[ 
] thereafter [ 
] under ... which ri[tes 

] that will be compensated [ 
] will I, My Majesty, fasten below 
] I will make [for?] the god in the temple [ 
] servants shall bring in. 
] they shall manumit again for the god 



310 



307 There is more space than is needed for the restoration . . .-as-]ma-as EGIR-pa p[u-nu-us-sa-an-]zi. 

308 There is no space for an expected pu-nu-us-sa-an-zi (Cf. Obv. 10', 12'). 

309 As in H. Gonnet, "Les montagnes d'Asie Mineure d'apres les textes hittites", RHA 83, 1968, 91-171 (p. 
98 no. 183), the beginning of a proper name with lim- or LIM could be considered. It is more likely, however, 



that the reference is to the mountain TapaSunuwa. 



142 



Part Two 



10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 



] they shall investigate again 
] Lihsina, at which place 
] and they [shall] investigate it again [ 
] at which place a temple [ 
] they shall build again 
] [ 



Rev. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



[ 



]... again [ ] ... 

] and the matter of their temple official they shall investigate again. 
] for which god there is already a temple official 
] and for which god there is not yet a temple official 
] from the temple they shall replace 



he shall stand lappanzitni for them [in the temple] 



9' 
10' 
11' 

12' 
13' 



[His Majes]ty made the following vow to (the mountain) Tapasunuwa: 
["If] you (mount) Tapasunuwa, with the Stormgod of the sky for me 311 



[and] I defeat .... 12 (and) for the mountain . . . [ 
[ ] I will ..., then to the mountain 1000 [ 

[ ] [ 

[ 



KBo 13.80 



Transliteration KBo 13.80 



1' [ 

2' [ 



]x-an pa-r\a-a 

]x 1 ZI guSkin [ 



The juridical meaning of arawahh- is the manumission of persons who are serfs. What the implication 
here is, is uncertain. This is one of the few passages in which there is no question of freeing someone from 
luzzi or sahhan (HW 2 , 257). 

311 At the end of the line a verbal form like "plead", "intervene" could be filled in. 

312 What remains of the sign makes it impossible to fill in LU KUR (=enemy) at the beginning of the line. 



Corpus of Texts 



143 



3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 



]-e-eJ?VTU-&'SA[ 
tak-S]a-an sar-ra-an KU.BfABBAR 
]A-NA DINGIR-L/MSUM-[/h' 



JA^-NA D UTU-& [ 
]x-a^-A^4 rDl[ 
]MU.KAM-ri [ 
]NU.GAL MU [ 
ALAM] LUGAL KU.BABBAR [ 
]te-eh-hi [ 
]x-za [ 



Translation KBo 13.80 



V 

V 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

Rev. 

1' 

2' 

3' 
4' 



] further [ 
] 1 golden soul [ 
] His Majesty ... in [ 
] one half silfver 
I will] give to the god 



] to His Majesty [ 
] to (the god) [ 
] year after year [ 
] is not there. (One) year [ 
] a silver [statue] of the king [ 
] I will place [ 
] [ 



]x NAM.RA ar-ha sar-ni-ik-zi 
~\x-ya-as-si LU EL-LUDtS-mi nam-ma-an sal-la-nu-mi 



]x E.MES DINGIR.MES D LUGAL-/wa ku-e ku-e nu-us-si a-pi-e-ya 
]DINGIR.MES ma-ni-ya-ah-hu-wa-an-zi pi-ih-hi 



144 

5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 

14' 
15' 



Part Two 

D L]i-el-wa-ni-ya E.DINGIR-Z/M ar-ha-ya-an DU-mi 

/]&7Z/KU.BABBAR GUSKIN A.SA A.GAR GlS KIRI 6 .GESTIN ar-ha sar-ni-<ik>-zi 
]x-an-ni-is-sa-kdn QA-TAM-MA ha-an-ta-a-an-za 



-y]a-as ma-al-te-es-na-as nu ma-a-an DINGIR.MES 
]x SlGs-ah-te-ni nu u UTU-Slki-e IMM.MES DU-z* 



m]e-mi-an sa-ak-ki nu ma-a-an a-si me-mi-an 

H ] m " SAG Ha-az-zi-ya as-nu-ut-te-ni ki-sa-ri-ya-as-za 
sa-k]u-wa-as-sa-ra-ah-te-ni 

-z]i kis-an e-es-su-u-wa-an te-eh-hi 



VZU D]IRMI.A :is-tar-da al-la-x-x[ 
]x BAL-an-za-kdn x[ 



KBo 27.25 (Bo 73/251) 



Transliteration KBo 27.25 (Bo 73/251) 



Obv.? 
x+1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



]x X X X [ 

]x $A GU§KIN :ku-la-a-m[a(-) 
]x ma-a-an GTN-ri nu-wa a[r]- ri [- 
-r]a-as ma-a-an EGER-a« GIN -ri[ 
]x-da ar-ha-ha-ri nu-wa-z[a-kdn 
]-hi DINGIR-IC/MEN-Z4 ^TV-Slxl 
fUTU-Sl-wa ka-ru-u t[i- m 
kis-an] IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa DI[NGIR-IC/MEN-K4 
]x 314 .ME§ A-NA DINGIR-Z/MSUM-/»' [ 



313 Ti can of course also be TI. 



Corpus of Texts 



145 



10' 
11' 



m]a-a-an-wa-ra-as 

]x a-ri- ya-an-zi [ 



12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-kdn A-NA] [D He-pd? mi ] Kum-man-ni k\is-an IK-RU-UB 



]xIGI.HI.A r M 1 -[ 
h]a!-al-lu-wa-[ 
]xx[ 



Rev.? 
1' 

2' 
3' 



]x X X [ 
]x-as GIM-a[« 
1 GU] 4 8 UDU x[ 



4' 



]xx[ 



Translation KBo 27.25 (Bo 73/251) 



Obv? 
1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 



] of gold [ 

] if he goes on, then [he will 

] ... if he gives back [ 

] I will reach and [ 

] o god, my lord, His Majesty [ 

] His Majesty already [ 

] made a vow: "If (you) o [god, my lord, ... 

] I will give (pi.) to the god. [ 

. I]f he 
] they shall make an oracular inquiry. 



12 [The queen made the following vow] to Hepat of Kummanni [ 



314 Sign most resembles an old LI. If LI is the correct reading, a possible restoration is: [ (MUL) 
UD.ZAL.L]E.MES (cf. HZL, 249 no. 316) and E. Neu, Althethitische Ritualtexte..., StBoT 25, 146 494 for 
passages with similar objects of gold or silver. 



146 



Part Two 



13 


[ 


] The eyes [ 


14 


[ 


Translation impossible. 


15 


[ 




Rev.? 






1 


[ 




2 


[ 


] when [ 


3 


[ 


1 o]x (and) 8 sheep [ 



KBo 27.60 (Bo 75/1 12) 

Transliteration KBo 27.60 (Bo 75/112) 

x+1' [ ]x KU.BABBAR [ 



3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



2' [ 



mJa-a-awVrU-S/xt 



[ 



A-N]A D Sa-u-ma-ta-ri 1[K-RU-UB 
]-x-ya-ri nu-ud-du-za SISKUR-/« [ 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-£a« I-NA ^fUt-ru-na SA tl-TIA-NA D I$TAR has-ta-[ri kis-an IK-RU- 

UB] 

[ma-a-an-wa-mu T>WG\K-LUM GASP^-Y]A pa-ra-a ha-an-da-an-da-tar te-i[k-ku-sa-nu-si 

[ IGI.HIJ.A-wi 315 A-NA Vnj-S/ ta\ 316 -me-en-qa-nu-si e-[ 

[ ]x-e-da-at-ti nu A-NA DINGIR-ZJM 6 GU 4 ku-x[ 

[ ]x GAR.RA 1 HA-AZ-ZI-NU KU.BABBAR SA D I$[TAR 

[ fl 1 GU 4 8 UDU A-NA MUNUS.MES SUM-A/ x 317 [ 



Restoration based on the occurrence of the verb tamenk- with mouth and eyes. See, too, note to 
translation. 



316 On copy SA. 



It is conspicuous that after SUM-fo the text continues even though karu or nawi do not seem possible. 



Corpus of Texts 



147 



11' 
12' 
13' 



]x-ta GUSKIN ki-e-iz-x x[ 
GUjSKIN wa-an-ti-an-za 1 x[ 

fl GU 4 ] 8 UDU A-NA DINGIR.ME[S SUM-hi 



14' 
15' 



[ 



]x-JatoV 1! -[ 
]x x[ 



Translation KBo 27.60 (Bo 75/112) 

1 [ ] silver [ 



2' 



i]f His Majesty [ 



3' 

4' 

5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



made t]o Saumatari a v[ow 
] . . . , then [I shall ] for you an offering [ 



[The queen made the following vow in] Utruna in a dream to I§tar of the power 319 : 

["If you, o goddess, my mistress,] sh[ow me] (your) divine justice 

[and ... you] make [the e]yes fast 320 for His Majesty [ 

[ ]You will ta[ke]. . . then [shall I] for the goddess 6 oxen[ 

[ ] inlaid, 1 silver axe 321 of Ister [ 

[ ] 1 ox (and) 8 sheep shall I give to the women 322 [ 



11' 
12' 
13' 



[ 



] golden . . ., from here [ 

] a golden ... wantianza 323 1 [ 

]1 ox (and) 8 sheep [shall I give] to the god[s 



Dahanga impossible because of plene writing. 

319 For hastari in the Ktar cult, see I. Wegner, Gestalt..., AOAT 36, 107 f. Prior to this text, this type of IStar 
was unknown. 

320 I have opted for this reading despite the fact that in HEG T, D b 79, E. Neu says it only occurs in inedita in 
the third person singular. For the verb damenk- + eyes cf. KBo 9.125 + i 6'. Although the expression 
probably means healing, the sticking together of the eyes seems more likely to be unfavourable, unless 
reference is made to the retina! 

321 For the axe in the Ktar-cult see I. Wegner, Gestalt. .., AOAT 36, 53, 99 and 208. 

322 Female temple personnel? 

This would seem to mean a characteristic of a golden article (?)."Warm" seems impossible. 



148 

14' [no translation possible 

15' r 



Part Two 



KBo 34.143 (236/a) 



Transliteration KBo 34.143 (236/a) 

Left Col. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



3' 
4' 

5' 



]x[ 
]x ma-si-wa-an an-da pa-iz-z[i 



]xW 324 4MA.NA 
]x 

] r MA ] .NA 



Right Col. 

1' [ 

2' [Sl]G 5 -ah-mi [ 



]- nu -mi [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



A-NA D ZA-BA4-B[A™ 
se-ir IK-RU-UB[ 
DINGIR-LUM-kdn as-n[u-si 
GAM pid-da-a-an-z[i 
nu KIN SI[G 5 - ra 



Translation KBo 34.143 (236/a) 



Left Col. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



so often does he go i[n 



Although the sign UN is clearly written, I have not been able to form a suitable subst. with it. An expected 
GUSKIN is impossible. 
325 At the end of this line either INIM-m or apadda can be filled in. 



Corpus of Texts 



149 



3' 
4' 

5' 



] ... 4minas 



] mina 



Right Col. 

1' [ ] shall I. ..[ 

2' [shall] I repair [ 



3' To Zababa 

4' I made a vow because of ... [ 

5' [you], o god, bring [about 

6' they shall recompens[e 

7' Let the oracle be favourable 



KBo 34.145 (432/e) 

Transliteration KBo 34.145 (432/e) 

V 

T 
3' 



4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 



] an-da-an x[ 
]Bl!lB~\-RUG\3§YL\N 
A-NAJ D \jTU ruRul TTJL-« ( 3 ma-a[l-ta-af 



]-x se-ir A-NA °U Bl.m-as-s[i 
SA]G.DU GUSKIN ma-al-ta-as 



]1 ALAM KU.BABBAR 1 MA.NA ma-al-ta-as na- 1 ' a\wi nl 



]U URU Kum-man-ni 1 UD.ZAL.L[E K]U.BABBAR 15 GIN 328 
\x-an-ni 329 INA 
]-ya-at ka-ru-u 



]x-an-ni 329 INA VKV Za-an-za-ra ma-al-ta-as 



SXJM-an 



No more than -wi can be filled in because of lack of space. 

1 We can add this place to the references given by E. Neu, Althethitische Ritualtexte..., StBoT 25, 146 4 ' 
' A restoration LUGAL-u-iz-n]a-an-ni is possible. Cf. KUB 15.1 1 ii 22. 



150 

10' 
11' 

12' 



Part Two 



]x-sa e -es-ri nu-kdn su-up-pi-ya-tar 



JA-NA VlU 1 -^ a-pid-da se-ir [ Ms-art IK-RU-U\b 
]x [ 



Translation KBo 34.145 (432/e) 



V 

T 

y 



] inside [ 

] a golden rhyto[n 
he/she promised [to] the sun goddess of Arinna 



4' 

5' 



] because of . . . promised he/she to the Stormgod of Lightning 330 
[ a golden hea[d 



6' [ 



he/she promised 1 silver statue (of) 1 mina. Not yet (given). 



7' [ 



9' [ 



the Stormjgod of Kummanni 1 [siljver Morning Star of 15 sekels 
] in Zanzara 331 he/she promised 
] . . . Already given. 



10' 
11' 
12' 



] an image, and purity. 

] because of that made for His Majesty the following vo[w: 



KBo 41.59 (2189/c) 

Transliteration KBo 41.59 (2189/c) 
Obv. 1? 



1' [ 



-y\al-wa-za-kdn 



For this Stormgod see I. Singer, Muwatalli 's Prayer to the Assembly of Gods through the Storm-God of 
Lightning (CTH 381), 1996, 185-189. 
331 Zanzara does not occur in any other text. 



2' 



5" 



Corpus of Texts 

D K]u-pa-pa-as i32 



151 



]-a 



G]LV am-as-si 



•333 



Lines 3',4',6',7': no writing left. Numbering uncertain. 



Obv. 2? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 



]x °[ 
] rDl UTU-&x[ 
]A-NA DINGIR-L[/M 
-u]n [ 

pi]-ih-hi [ 



]x 334 A-NA °LUGAL-[wa 
kis-an] IK-RU-UB ma- a\-an 

]x ar-ha SIG 5 -[i« ii-iz-zi 
nu] ^-NA DINGIR-I/M 1 UD x[ 335 
GE 6 KU.BABBAR 1 GE 6 GUSKIN [ 
DINGIR-Z, UM-ya-za ma-la-\a-si 
nu-ud-du-zaBAL i36 -an-za-[ki-mi 337 



13' ma-a-an-na-mu D LUGAL-/w[a 

14' VUTU-Sl ki-e-iz [ 

15' nu ku-it ku-i[t 

16' nu-za A-NA ^DTNGIR^ILIM 

332 A restoration to form the name of this goddess would seem grounded in view of her occurring in Hittite 
texts in this writing. Cf. too V. Haas, "Substratgottheiten des westhurrischen Pantheons", RHA 36, 1978, 59- 
69 (p. 67 ff.). 

333 It would seem more likely that the scribe forgot -ba- than that he wrote a deliberately shortened form: am- 
si or am would then have sufficed. But HW 2 , 66 gives another example in KBo 8.57 Obv. 4, Rev. 10: am-as- 
Si-in. Reading GU 4 uncertain because before am-as-si (in intercolumnium) there is one vertical wedge 
visible. 

334 A vertical stroke which cannot represent ANA, 1 or m . 

335 No KU.BABBAR or GUSKIN possible. 

336 BAL is written with a relatively old sign. 

337 Other forms are also possible. 



152 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



153 



17' 


sap-pu-[ 


18' 


nu-ud-[du-za 


19' 


A. 



Translation KBo 41.59 (2189/c) 



Obv. 2? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 



9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 
19' .. 



] His Majesty [ 
] to the go[d 

] shall I [give] 



] to Sarru[ma 
] made [the following] vow: "I[f 
] safely re [turns 
then I shall] for the god 1 day [ 
silver night (and) 1 golden night [ 
and [you], o god, [shall] appro[ve (them) 
then for you [I] shall mak[e] offerings [ 



And if you, Sarruma, for me [ 
His Majesty from here [ 
and anything whatsoever [ 
then shall [I] to the g[od 
no translation possible 
and (for) y[ou 

•[ 



KBo 41.60 (220/e) 338 

Transliteration KBo 41.60 (220/e) 

Obv. 1? 

1' 

2' 
3' 



4' 
5' 
6' 

T 



9' 

10' 

11' 



]x[ 
jJ-iz-zi^TU-Sf 39 



]x kdn -kdn 



kis-an I\K-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa GAL ME-SE-DI 
]- wa-ra -as ma-a-an- wa -kdn A-NA IZI 340 ku-it 
-a\t tu-ukA-NA D I$TAR [um ^$a-mu-ha 
] na-a-wi 



]:pdr-zi-sa m IK-RU-UB na-a-wi 



a-pid-d\a se-ir kis-an IK-RU-UB 
U]L a-ki e-es-zi-wa-ra-as 

]as-su- la -as EZEN4 DU-/W na-a \-wi 



Translation KBo 41.60 (220/e) 

Obv. 1? 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



] comes, His Majesty 
] (is) hung 



4' 
5' 
6' 



made the following] vow: "If the chief-of-guard 
and he . . ., if for the fire something 
i]t for you, IStar of Samuha. 



338 For an indirect join with KBo 9.96, see Konkordanz. 

339 There could have been more signs after the dividing line. 

340 



341 



One sign in rasura. 

Not in CHD. (:)parzassa comparable? Or better ]x-pdr-zi-sa in stead of gloss sign? 



154 

T [ 



9' 

10' 

11' 



[ 



Part Two 
] Not yet (given). 



] . . . he/she promised. Not yet (given). 



] made because of this [ ] the following vow: 

] he shall not die (and) he shall stay (alive) 

] I shall celebrate the festival of salvation. Not yet (celebrated). 



KBo 53.112(1538/u) 



Transliteration KBo 53.112 (1538/u) 



Left Col. 

r r 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 



[ 



] hld-RU^UB ma-a-ai? (-)[ 
^/aIzu SA KUR uru KA.DINGIR.RA 
]xpi-ih-hi 

]x GUSKIN 342 

1-W-z/ 343 



-, 344 T .1 . r v n 

\x-an me-mi-i[s-tal 



Translation KBo 53.112 (1538/u) 



Left Col. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



] made a vow: "If [ 

] the doctor from Babylon 3 ' 



GUSKIN ends in a paragraph line. 

343 After -]inzi (a Luwian plural?) is one line more possible. 

344 Remnant renders kis-an an impossible reading. 

345 This is most likely the doctor who died later in Hattusa, thus rendering possible a fairly accurate dating 
during the reign of HattuSili III. A previous doctor had come from Babylon at the request of Muwatalli. It is 
possible that HattuSili made the vow in KBo 53.112 on behalf of the sick doctor. For Mesopotamians at 
Hattusa see G.M. Beckman, "Mesopotamians and Mesopotamian Learning at Hattusa", JCS 35, 1983, 97-1 14 



Corpus of Texts 



155 



3' 
4' 

5' 



] I shall give 
] (of) gold 



6' 

7' 



he] spofke? 



KUB 15.4 



Transliteration KUB 15.4 
Obv. 1 



1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 
10' 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-/W« A-NA D ]-al-la-an-ni M6 IK-RU-UB ma- 1 a \-an-wa] 

[ ]x- a -an 347 pa-ra-a U-UL tar-na-at-t[i] 

[ ]x DIJ-mi a-pa-a-as-ma-wa-kan nam- ma [ ] 



[har-ti 



349 ]wa-a-a«-wa D UTU-57TI-an [ ] 
GlS TUKUL.HI.]A 351 -ya-as-si mu-wa-at-ta-lu-us 
] 'SA 1 AN.ZA.G AR-ma-wa-kdn 
]DU-/m 
]x DV-mi 
] 
] 



(p. 106 f.). It is more likely that the LU A.ZU of 1506/u was a priest rather than a doctor. If it was the same 
doctor, then the specification "from Babylon" was expected there as well. 

346 It is possible that the restoration given does not take up all the available space on the tablet (cf. following 
note). The name of a god is certainly to be expected here, but which one is not certain. The only possible 
name that fits in with E. Laroche, Recherches..., RHA 46 and S. KoSak, Odzadni Slovar Hetitskih Imen, 1974 
is D Allani which, however, is always spelt with one n, e.g. in KUB 15.1 1 ii 5. 

347 Collation confirms what the copy indicates, namely that -ra-an instead of \y\a-an is not a likely reading. 
Otherwise with the aid of KUB 15.1 i 5-6 line 2 could very well be restored to read D UTU-.S7 Tl-nu-an har-ti 
HUL-u-i-wa~r]a-an pa-ra-a etc. 

348 In any case GUSKIN cannot be read before DU-m;. 

349 Possibly SI can be read in erasure before ma-a-an-wa. 

350 Har-ti is the most likely restoration, since TI-a« in line 4' is not followed by -za. 

351 oi TXJKUL.HI.]A with J. Friedrich "Zu den kleinasiatischen Personennamen mit dem Element muwa", Kl. 
F. 1, 1930, 359-378 (p. 376 3 ) and H.G. Giiterbock, "Die Elemente muwa und ziti in den hethitischen 
Hieroglyphen", Ar. Or. 18, 1950, 208-238 (p. 216 36 ). Cf. KUB 15.9 ii 2'. Friedrich's reference to KUB 15.8 i 
4' is incorrect, since there is a question of { Za-mu-u-wa-[at-ti. 



156 



Part Two 



11' 
12' 



] ka -ru-ii 



Translation KUB 15.4 



Obv. 1 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 



The queen] made [to ...]allanni 352 a vow: "Iff you] 

] do not deliver him, 
will make [ ]and this will furthermore 

]if you [keep] His Majesty alive 
]and for her strong [weapon]s 353 
] and in the tower 
] I will make 
] I will make 



] 



] Already (given). 
] 



KUB 15.6 



Transliteration KUB 15.6 

Obv. 1 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



]x X X 



]-mi 



-m]i 



]x LU.ME3 AMA.A.TU 
]x-ya l l-tar-ra-sa i5A 



...]allanni is probably the ending of a divine name. The choice between "him" and "her" in line 5' 
depends on the gender of the god mentioned here. 
353 For the weapons of Ktar, Cf. KUB 15.1 hi 37' and my article "A Hittite Tablet...", JEOL 25, 73 +3 °. 



Corpus of Texts 



157 



7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 

16' 

17' 
18' 
19' 

20' 
21' 

22' 

Obv. 2 
1' 

2' 
3' 



]x-ta 



]x[ 



]x kis-an IK-RU-UB 
J-W-ri 



r,-i. 



\ar-ha u- i -ya-si 
] 



DUG 



]-wa-ar wa-[as\- ku -i-ya-as 
]x IGlJHllA? 355 Tl-nuhi" 
k\a-ru-ii ar- ta -ri 
har-si-y]a-al-li 356 SA KU.BABBAR DU-/m 



]x U-UL x i51 -ta 



]-W 



m\a-a-a[n(-) 
nu-kdn A-NA [ 
na-atA-^NA 1 [ 



354 Judging by the photograph, -sa would seem preferable to -ta as in the copy, but no greater clarity is thus 
achieved. 

355 The reading IGI.HI.A is probably correct. It is perhaps possible to discern remnants of KAN before IGI. 
To the best of my knowledge, "making eyes live" occurs nowhere else. Not in C. Burde, Hethitische 
medizinische Texte, StBoT 19, 1974. 

356 Restoration suggested by A. Gotze, "Die Pestgebete...", Kl. F. 1, 200 5 . DUG harsiyalli- is mentioned by 
O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 122. 

357 The photograph likewise is too vague to enable positive identification of the sign. According to C. F. 
Justus, "Semantic and Syntactic Aspects of 'Knowing in One's Heart'", Or. 52, 1983, 107-115 (p. 112 24 ): 
SA. 



158 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



159 



4' x 358 D UTU-& x[ 



5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 
19' 
20' 

21' 
22' 
23' 
24' 
25' 



f/^-jU4 D &-ri x [ 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-W/A'/f mu f 
UA-NA 

hu -u- ma -an- da -as GE 6 -[an-da-as 
a-sa- at-ta nu-us- ma-as [ 
E.DINGIR-I/M^Ijlaw-z/ ^ku-e\ 



A-NA D Hur-ri] 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-ytan INA fuRU W a^a-pa A-NA D 
[ kii-an I[K-RU-UB] ma- 1 a^-a[n-wa 
A-NA KASKAL KUR \^ v A]r-za-u-[wa 
KUR^t 

ma- a -[an(-) 

TdI 



[ 

D [ 

nu ku-[ 

ma-a-a[n(-) 

nu a-pi-[ 

nu ku- e (-)[ 



ma-a-an-[na 3S9 
is-ta-m[a-as-ti-mu 
nu-us-si-kd[n 
tar-na- at -t[i 
ma-si-e-e[s 360 



U-UL 



Translation KUB 15.6 

Obv. 1 

1' [ ] 

358 The photograph also clearly shows UT at the beginning of the line. 

359 Comparable passages: KUB 15.1 ii 25-27 and iv 18'-22'. 

360 A remnant ofE§ is discernible in the photograph. 



2' [ 




3' [ 


] I will 


4' [ 


] I will 


5' [ 


] the house-members 


6' [ 




7' [ 




8' [ 




9' [ 




10' [ 


] 


11' [ 


] made the following vow: 


12' [ 


] will be ... 


13' [ 


] you shall send away 


14' [ 


] 


15' [ 


] 


16' [ 


] of an error 


17' [ 


] you make the eyes? live 


18' [ 


] already stands (there) 


19' [ 


] I will make a stor[age vessel] of silver 


20' [ 


] ... not 


21' [ 


] 


22' [ 


] 


Obv. 2 




1' Iff 





2' then to [ 
3' and that to [ 
4' ... His Majesty [ 



5' 
6' 



The queen ... in (the city of) [ 
and to Seri [ 



to Hurri] 



160 

7' 
8' 
9' 



Part Two 



(of) every/all nig[th(s) 
remained 361 (?) and for them [ 
they shall make a temple. Which [ 



10' The queen made in Kat[apa to 

11' the following v[ow:] "Iff 

12' for the campaign (against) the country of [A]rzaw[a 

13' the country of [ 

14' Iff 

15' [ 

16' [ 

17' andwhfich 

18' Iff 

19' and that [ 

20' and which \ 



21' [And] iff 

22' [you] lisften to me 

23' and for him [ 

24' [you] do [not] aband[on 

25' asmucha[s 



KUB 15.7 



Transliteration KUB 15.7 

Obv. 1? 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 

4' [ 



M M 

] [ SlxSA-a? 

]-ti 

S]IG5-i« u-wa-u-en 



There is no certainty as to the verb from which the from asatta derives (cf. E. Neu, Interpretation 
StBoT 5, 19). 



Corpus of Texts 



161 



5' 
6' 

T 



]x °UTU-& 
KU.]BABBAR GUSKIN i-ya-mi 
KU.]BABBAR GUSKIN i-ya-^mi 1 
^SA 1 10 GJNS[UM-hi] 



9' 



-W-rif 



Translation KUB 15.7 



Obv. 1? 

1' 

2' 




] was designated 


3' 


] 


4' 


] we came in [good] condition 


5' 


] His Majesty 


6' 


of si]lver (and) gold will I make 


7' 


] of silver (and) gold will I make 


8' 


[ ] of 10 sekels w[ill I give] 



9' 



you ... [ 



KUB 15.8 



Transliteration KUB 15.8 



Obv. 1 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



]x x x[ 
ku-e-da-n]? 62 pi-di A-NA MUNUS.LUGAL [ 



ki\- e -da-ni pi-di 



hm\ 



4' MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fcw A-NA °U AN f Za-mu-u-wa-a[t-ti se-ir kis-an 363 ] 



362 Collation indicates -n]i as reading. 



162 

5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 



Part Two 

hld-RU-UB ma-a-an DINGIR-ZJMEN-K4 ^[TH-Sl Tl-nu-an har-ti nu] 
U^-NA DINGTR-LIM 1 ZI GUSKIN 3 GIN x[ 



[1-E]N- ] NU ] -TUMIG1HI.A KU.BABBAR $A W G[IN 



DU-mi] 



MUlNUS/LUGALlfoiK [ 
M 



Rev. 4 




1' 


[ ]-«-[ 


2' 


[a]n- [ da u\ 


3' 


1 GU 4 8 UD[U 


4' 


^-A^ DINGIR-Z/M x[ 


5' 


SAG\J$KmA[-NA 


6' 


ma-a-an I-N[A 


7' 


m Ta-at-ta[l(-f M 



Translation KUB 15.8 

Obv. 1 

1' [ 

2' [ on whi]ch place ... for the queen [ 

3' [ on tjhat place [ 



4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



[On advice of] Zamuwatti, the queen made to the Stormgod of heaven the [following] 
vow: "If you, o god, my lord, [keep His Majesty alive, then] 
for the god [I will make] 1 golden soul of 3 sekels [ 
[1] pair of silver eyes of 6 Sekels [ 



9' 



[ 



the queen [ 



The reference in connexion with muwattala made by J. Friedrich, "Zu den kleinasiatischen...", Kl. F. 1, 
376 3 must rest on an error. 

Mentioned neither as beginning of a name nor as complete name in NH. Even after collation m Tala[kka 
proves to be impossible. 



Corpus of Texts 



163 



Rev. 4 



1' 


[ 


2' 


in ... [ 


3' 


1 ox (and) 8 she[ep 


4' 


to the god [ 


5' 


of goldt[o 


6' 


ifin[ 


T 


Tatta[l? 



KUB 15.9 



Transliteration KUB 15.9 



Obv. 2 

1' 

2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

T 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 



]TI- nu-an [har-ti] 

]x GlS TUKUL.HI.A mu-u-wa-at-ta-a[l-f]i-[i]s-sa i65 
]x ha-as-si-ik-zi 
]-iz se-ir u-sa-an-ta-ra-a-i 
-y]a-an-te-es 366 ZAG.HI.A-za 
] a -pi-e-el-ma-as-si-kdn 
]x nuA-NA DINGlR-Z,/MEN-Z4 
-] an -na nu-kdn A-NA \ EN si-it-tar 
A-NA \] EN si-it-tar-ma-kdn 

a]- pa -a-as-ma nam-ma 
A-NA DINGIR-ZJ]MEN-E4 l-an ZA[G] x 
]x x x[ 



Rev. 3 ibl 
1' [ 



] tar-na-at-ti 



365 Reading of H.G. Guterbock, "Die Elemente...", Ar. Or. 18, 216 +36 , who adds: "Wohl nom. pi. auf -is fur - 
as". The text photograph does not seem to evidence that the expected ace. pi. ...lu-us-sa can be read here. 

366 A part, form of zai- = "go beyond" could possibly be read here. 

367 Possible restoration WJL-u-i- wa-ra-an pa-ra-a U-UL] tar-na-at-ti, as in KUB 15.1 i 6 et alia. 



164 

2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 



Part Two 



J ]UTU-SI IS-TU 1 ME MA.NA 

,t1 



] j KU.BABBAR GUSKIN l AN.BAR AN.BAR GE 6 AN.NA 
\hu-u-ma-an-za nu KI.LA.BI 1 ME MA.NA 
]x ^-NA r DINGIRll/M pi-ih-hi 



6' 

7' 



]GESTU [ G]IG-a/ nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL 

]x 1 GESTU GUSKIN 10 GIN 

HUB].BI-^a GUSKIN 3 GIN 



Translation KUB 15.9 



Obv. 2 






1' 


[ 


] you [keep] alive 


2' 


[ 


] and strong weapons 


3' 


[ 


] he/she shall feast on 


4' 


[ 


] because of... usantarai i6g 


5' 


[ 


] ... by the boundaries 


6' 


[ 


] and of those ... for him [ 


7' 


[ 


] then for the god, my lord 


8' 


[ 


] ... and for one solar disc 


9' 


[ 


] and [for one] solar disc 


10' 


[ 


] and those further 


11' 


[ 


for the god], my lord, one boundary [ ] 


12' 


r 





Rev. 3 

1 ' [ ] you shall let 

2' [ ] His Majesty, from 100 minas 



See H. Otten/J. Siegelova, "Die hethitischen Guls-Gottheiten und die Erschaffung der Menschen", AfO 23, 
1970, 32-38 (p. 33-36) for a treatment of (:)usantar(a)i. A. Goetze (The Hittite Ritual ofTunnawi, 1938, 75 
erroneously with u as first sign) considers a 3rd sg. pres. of a verb a possibility for this place. H. Otten/J. 
Siegelova, "Die hethitischen. . .", AfO 23, I.e.: "Man wird nunmehr, aufgrund von 1 167/z auch hierbei eher an 
das Adjektiv usantari- denken." "Pregnant" would not seem a tenable meaning for all the texts cited by 
H. Otten/J. Siegelova. A study of the relationship with the verb hassik (+za), with which usantari twice 
occurs in the votive texts (KUB 15.9 ii 3'f. and KUB 31.77 iii 13') could give the meaning "filled", "full" for 
usantari-. 



Corpus of Texts 



165 



3' [ ] silver, gold, iron, meteoric iron (and) tin 

4' [ ] whole, and the weight of it (is) 1 00 minas 

5' [ ] I will give to the god. 



6' [ ] ear [ ] fell ill and the queen 

7' [ ] 1 golden ear (of) 10 sekels 

8' [ ] and a golden [ear] pendant (of) 3 sekels 



KUB 15.10 



Transliteration KUB 15.10 

Obv. 1 

1' 

2' 
3' 



4' 

5' 

6' 

T 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 
14' 



]x 



J^MEUDU 1 



]- pi-e-es 

t\e1-eh-hi 

J A -wa GIM-an 

]x e-se-ir 

]x MUNUS.LUGAL SA V-TI 

]x-mu GAM-an 
GUSKI]N DtS-mi 
D]\]-mi 
-y]a-wa-mu 369 



]x- r a^ 



]x 



In the copy it has erroneously been assumed that there is not a line of text after 12' and above the 
paragraph divider. Line 13' and 14' should be 14' and 15' respectively. 



166 

Translation KUB 15.10 



Part Two 



Obv. 1 
1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 

13' 
14' 



] 300 sheep 



] 
] shall I place 
] like an eagle 
] they were 
] the queen in a dream 
] under me 

] I will make [a gol]den 
I will] make 
a]nd for me 



] 



KUB 15.12 

Transliteration KUB 15. 12 

Obv. 1 

1 ' pa-ra-a-ma-wa [ 



T 



nu-wa :ar- ra-ah-ha -n[i(-f 10 



3' VrU-^/ me-mi-is-ki-izhi U^-U\L 



The position of :arrahhan[i at the beginning of the sentence probably means that it must be restored to 
form a subst. and not a verbal form of arrahhaniya- or of arrahhanisk-. The form ar-ra-ah-ha-m[-ik-ti 
(according to KBo 13.50:9') proposed by A. Unal (Hattusili III, TdH 3, 104 55 ) should run ar-ra-ah-ha-ni-it- 
ti. Moreover it is preceded by piran, hence a comparison is difficult. As subst., arrahhani occurs inter alia in 
KUB 8.70 i 13: [a]r-ra-ah-ha-ni-ya-za. "Fluch bestimmter Art" (A. final I.e.). According to H. Otten, Zur 
grammatikalischen und lexikalischen Bestimmung des luvischen, 1953, 95 +166 , arrahhani could possibly be 
compared with Luwian hirutani. 



Corpus of Texts 



167 



4' hal-zi-ih-hi zi-iq-ma-wa-za U-UL [ 

5 ' ma-a-an-ma-an-wa-at-ta ^JTXJ-SI-ma x[ 

6' an-na-a-i U-UL hal-zi-es-ki- it [ 



U^n/M 1 MUNUS.LUGAL/-A^ mv 'Ka- 1 ta-pa I ] -[MUR 
A-NA AMA.AMA-KA-wa ku-is : URU- 1 LUhi-[as 



9' SA m U-ra-zi m ^GlR^-an e-es-[zi 

10' nu-wa-ra-as EGIR-pa SIG 5 -i« /- ya-an -[zi 



1 1 ' U-71/MMUNUS.LUGAL I-NA ^"Ka-ta-pa r 7 ] -[M7/? 



12' is-ha-as- sar-u-e -e[s 



]x- r /r 1 [ 



Rev. 4 

1' [ UM-MA^A-NA-K[U-MA 

U-UL pa-ra-a : r i ] -[ 
nu-wa-za-kdn im-ma a[r- 



nu-wa-ra-at IGI.HI.A hur- ni-ya -a[n-zi 
an-da-an i-ya-ah-ha-at nu- wa -[ 
nam-ma-wa-ra-as-za TUS-a? nu-wa-mu m[e- 
nu-wa-ra-at-za TUS-a? nu-wa u-ni-us x[ 
nu-wa-ra-as-ma-sa-at QA-TAM-MA x[ 



9' pa-ra-a-ma-wa-mu im-ma m Pa-an-ti-y[a-as 

10' u-i-ya-at pi-ra-an EGJR-pa-wa-mu ku-[ 

1 1 ' nu-wa :ku-wa-ra-ya-al-la ki- e (-) [ 

12' nu -wa-mu-kdn e-ni \ku-wa-ra- ya -a[l-la 

13' [ ]x ^ me-mi-ii-ki-mi ' ' A\NA 



Although not listed by NH, the personal name Urazi seems a good possibility here. 



168 

Translation KUB 15.12 



Part Two 



Obv. 1 
1 ' and further [ 

and arrahhan[i i12 

His Majesty said: [ 

I will not invoke. You however ... not [ 

if however for you His Majesty should [ 

annai 313 he did not invoke [ 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



7' Dream of the queen. In Katapa she saw (a dream) [ 

8' which city for your grandmother [ 

9' of Urazi remains, 

10' and later they shall treat them well. 

1 1 ' Dream of the queen. In Katapa she saw (a dream) [ 

12' they ... friendly 374 [ 

Rev. 4 

1' Thus I [ 

2' no further [ 

3' and even [ 

4' and [they] shall sprinkle the eyes [ 

5' I entered and [ 

6' and further he/she sat (there) and to me [ 

7' and it sat (there) and they [ 



The meaning of arrahhani is unknown. P. Meriggi, "Testi luvili", Athenaeum 35, 1957, 56-77 (p. 58) 
gives "curse", "calomny". According to EHS, 561, arrahhan[i is either a subst. = "curse" or part of a verb. H. 
Hoffher, "An English-Hittite Glossary", RHA 80, 33 s. v. "to curse" = arrahhaniya. 

373 It is not known which form of which word annai is (Cf. HW 2 , 74). Is it by chance that in KUB 26.88:7 f. 
annai also occurs (as object) with halzai-1 

I have interpreted the form ishassarues as nom. pi, of the adj. ishassaru- with a subject that could be latent 
in the 3rd pi. verb form ending in -ir. HW, 86 takes ishassarues- to be a verb: "freundlich werden"(?), 
(beschadigt)". The meaning given by H. Freydank, "Eine hethitische Fassung des Vertrages zwischen dem 
Hethiterkonig Suppiluliuma und Aziru von Amurru", MO 7, 1960, 356-381 (p. 376) for ishassaruess- is "to 
care for the welfare", "to satisfy". 



Corpus of Texts 



169 



and in the same way for them it [ 



9' and further even Pantiya sent me [ 

10' before (and) behind me [ 

11' and terrifying 375 ... [ 

12' and they ... for me ... terrify[ing 

13' [ ] I shall say t[o 



KUB 15.13 



Transliteration KUB 15.13 



Obv. 2 
1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 





IK]-RU-UB 


[ D 57iV- 


as] a -ki 




KI.LA.fr3I 1 NU.GAL 




IK-R]U-UB 




D SIN-as] ^a)-ki 




KI.LA.fr3I 1 NU.GAL 




jlK^-RU^UB^ 




D ST\N-as a-ki 




i\-ya-mi 



Translation KUB 15.13 



Obv. 2 

1 [ 

2 [ 



he/she mjade a vow: 

there will] be a lunar eclipse 3 



' The meaning ascribed to kuwarayalla is based on HW Erg. 3, 21 (s.v. kuwayaralla). 
' Literally: "the Moon-god shall die". 



170 

3 



Part Two 



of unspecified weight 



he/she made a vow 

there will be] a lunar eclipse 

of unspecified] weight. 



] he/she made a vow 
there will] be a lunar eclipse 
I] will make. 



KUB 15.14 



Transliteration KUB 15.14 



Obv. \T 
V 

T 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



ma-a-an ki-e-d\a-ni-pdt INIM-m se-ir [ 

EZEN 4 .ME§ t]e-eh-hi nuA-NA °U URur Afe 1 -[ri-/Jfc 

] D ZA-BA 4 -BA 4 a-pi-e-<da>-ni 37i IN[IM-«i se-ir 

EGTR-p a-d\n ti-ya-si nu ki-nu-un [ 

EZEN 4 .HI.]A 379 is-su-wa-an ti-an-zi ^.[DINGIR-I/M 
]x SlG s -ah-hi LU GU^MAH-tdkhdn 1 [ 
jnJ-us-ma-as E.ME§ DINGIR.ME§ SIG s -a[h-hi 



Translation KUB 15.14 

Obv. 1? 

1 ' [ if] because of th[is] event precisely [ 
2' f ] I will inaugurate [festivals] and for the Stormgod of Ne[rik 



377 Although there certainly are similarities between KUB 15.14 and KUB 15.21 as regards vocabulary, these 
two texts differ too much structurally to assume, as does E. Laroche CTH 590, a join without direct 
connexion or to be able to give incontestable restorations. 

HW , 172, gives as possibilities a-pi-e-ni-is-sa-an or a form of apenissuwant-. In view of the many scribal 
errors, an inserted <da> is quite justifiable. 

379 Although a sign for iS is written close to it, nevertheless a dir. obj. "festivals" with tai + part, seems 
highly feasible. EZEN 4 .ME§ tehhi is certain in KUB 15.21:2 and restored in KUB 15.14:2'. 



Corpus of Texts 



171 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



] Zababa [because of] that ev[ent 

] you shall assist then shall now [ 

] one shall begin to celebrate [festivals]. The tem[ple 

] I will set in order. A bull-man 380 [shall] for you 

] and [I] will set the temples in order for th[em 



KUB 15.15 



Transliteration KUB 15.15 



Obv. 1 

1 [ 



]x x x- zi -is- sa (-)[ 



2 [A-NA] °U ^Ne^ri-ik 1 kis-an [IK-RU-UB 

3 [ A-NA } MUNUS.LUGAL-foirt x 381 [ \-ra-a [ 

a v * f 1 r 382 

4 su-up-pa se-e-su- u-wa -\ar 

5 I-NA UD.7.KAM D [ISTA]R r GA§AN ] -L4 

6 ALAM MUNUS.LUGAL-^-t 

7 A-NA DJNGIR-LIMp[i-ih-hi 



ma-a-an-na-kd[n 



9 "UTU-S1 


-za E2 


:E[N 4 


10 r DINGIR 


.ME§ ] x [ 


Rev. 4 






1' [ 




]x x[ 


2' [ 




(-)p]i-an [ 


3' [ 




fl 1 GU 4 SE 383 8 r UDU 1 [ 



4' 



S]A KARAS-kdnl x[ 



380 The bull-man is probably a temple official who takes part in rituals, just like the dog-man, the lion-man 
etc. 

381 



The sign after -kdn looks like U. 



382 c„ s 



Sessuwar in HW, 191. 



383 Although §E has been erased, there is no reason to leave it out of the text. A GU 4 §E is also mentioned in 
KUB 15.11 ii 22. In the great majority of cases, an ordinary ox is promised. GU 4 is the reading of H. Ertem 
(Bogazkoy ... faunasi, 49 ). 



172 

5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



Part Two 



JIK-RU-UB ma-a-an-x [ 
HUL-/w 384 ] uS-an U-UL ki-sa-r[i 

] 1 ZI KU.BABBAR 1 NIG.SI.SA-W 1 [KU.BABBAR 385 

] DINGIR-I UM-ya-za hal-zi-ih-hi ku-e-d[a-ni 

] 1 GU 4 8 UDU KU.BABBAR GUSKIN [ kc?-ru-u [ 



Translation KUB 15.15 

Obv. 1 

1 [ ] [ 

2 [made to] the Stormgod of Nerik the following [vow: 

3 to the queen [ ] ... [ 

4 sleeping in a clean (bed) [ 

5 on the 7th day [Ista]r, [my] lady, [ 

6 and a statue of the queen [ 

7 [I will giv]e to the god [ 



8 and iff 

9 His Majesty ... a festiv[al 

10 the gods [ 



Rev. 4 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



4' 

5' 
6' 

7' 



] beforehand? 

] 1 fat ox (and) 8 sheep [ 



[ ] in the army [ 

[ ] made the vow: "If [ 

[ the evil] dying shall not occur [ 

[ ] 1 silver soul (and) 1 [silver] justice [ 



384 Cf. KUB 15.1 i 24. Without HUL-/« in KUB 5.1 i 44... SA KARAS.HI.A US-oh UL DU-rz... 

385 Cf. E. Laroche, review of KUB 44, RHA 33, 1975, 63-64 (p. 64). I am grateful to Prof. Neu for his 
reference. 



Corpus of Texts 



173 



9' 



and I will invoke the divinity, for whom 

1 ox (and) 8 sheep (of) silver (and) gold." Already (given). 



KUB 15.18 



Transliteration KUB 15.18 



Obv. 2 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 

4' [ 



]xx[ 
] r l 1 UD K[U.BABBAR] 1 UD GU§[KIN 

] r AMA ] - YA-wa kJ e\ 
K]AM §ES ^STV-Sl-wai-) [ 



1 t 386 

]-ta 
]x-an 



5' 



]na-atI$-TU [ 



] 



6' [ 



I-NA URUD ]U-ai-ia 1 ZI GU§K[IN 



T [ 

8' [ 

9' [ 

10' [ 

11' [ 



1-asI-NA ^U-daA-NA 387 V[ 

]kis-an IK-RU-UB ku-it-m[a-an-wa 
]U-UL ku-it-ki na-ah-ttf™ 
]x-na is-tar-na-ma-as-si{-) x [ 
]SUM-/h r GAM 1 -a«- r na 1 1 GU 4 .MAH [ 



~\-ni-ma-as(-)l 



]-zi 



12' [ 



]-hi-ya-as x[ 



Rev. 3 
1' [ 



2' 
3' 



[ 



]x[ 
A-N]A DINGIR-I/M [ EN 1 -IT>[ 
KU.]BABBAR^-Ay DINGIR-ZJM p[i-ih-hi 



386 It would seem that the signs to the right of the damaged part belong to the same column. These remnants 
could very well be the last signs of the respective lines. 

387 See note on translation. 

388 The fragmented sign cannot be HA. If the vow is made to a person, nahti would fit well as form. 



174 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 



12' 

IGI ZAG 

13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



Part Two 

JGIM-arc pi-an ar-ha sal- la -[nu-si 
pi\-ih-hi 



\an-da-an pi-an SlG 5 -za ii-e-ir 

]x DINGIR-I/M-za a-as- su-wa-an-ni pa-ra-a f ha*-an-da-x-x 3%9 



rj 



]-' e <-es pi-ih-hi DINGlR-LIM-ya-za hal- 1 zi-ih l -hi 



]tar-kum-ma-at- 1 ' te'-ni [ D ]UTU-57 r lGf ZAG 

^•390 , 

-si pi-rc 
p]i-ih-hi 



]x-si 390 pi-ra-an EGTR-pa W-ta 391 



VUTU-SI-kanA-NA D MUNUS.LUGAL URUD U-aMa kis-an 392 ] I[K-RU]- [ UB^ ma-a- 

]x an-na-al-la 
A-NA D MUNUS.LU]GAL ^^-as-sa 

]x 

]x- la -as- si-at 



an-wa-mu 



Translation KUB 15.18 

Obv. 2 

1' [ ][ ] 

2' [ ] 1 [silver] day (and) 1 golfden] day [ ] 

3' [ ] my mother ... [ ] ... 

4' [ ] . . . a brother of His Majesty [ ] . . . 



There is possibly not enough space for the restoration of ha-an-da[-it-ta-ri]. Two signs could fit in, e.g: 
ha-an-da[-an-zd\. Since the last sign does not seem to be -za, I have inserted no restoration in the text. L. 
Zuntz (Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien..., 79): "Ob das Verbum, das Nomen oder das Adjektiv vorliegt ist ... 
nicht zu erkennen. . .". 

In the photograph, the sign before -Si somewhat resembles -is. 

391 For restoration compare, for example, KUB 15.1 iii 17'. 

392 The restoration of A. Unal, Hattusili III, TdH 3, 218: [MUNUS.LU]GAL etc. is less plausible in my 
opinion. On the other hand his restoration for line 15 (wrongly numbered 16 by him) does remain possible: 
[ar-ku-wa-ar kis-an e-eS-Se-es-ta]. Cf KUB 15.1 ii 46 f. Nevertheless there is a good possibility that the 
content of the vow stood in lines 15 and 16. 



Corpus of Texts 



175 



5' 

6' 

T 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

Rev. 3 
1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



9' 
10' 



] and that with [ 



in] Tarhunta§sa 1 golden soul [ 



] 



] in Uda to/for 393 [ ] .. 

] made the following vow: "As long [as 
] you fear nothing [ ] .. 

] and within him [ ] 

] I will give and in addition 1 bull [ ].. 



]...[ 



] 



]...[ 

t]o the god, m[y] lord, [ 
(of) si]lver [I will gi]ve to the god. [ 



] as soon as [you] .... mak[e] small beforehand [ 
] I will [gi]ve. 



] they came forward favourably 

] desti[ned?] by the divinity for the well-being 

] I will give and I will invoke the divinity. 



] you designate (and) the right eye of His Majesty 
] before him requested again 



393 If the sign after A-NA is a wedge representing a person, then -ir could form part oise-ir: "For the sake of, 
reinforcing A-NA ="for". If, however, it was the name of a god in the fragment broken off, the A-NA must 
mean "to". 

394 It is not clear what (pian) arha Sallanu- means. Probably arha gives the verb the opposite meaning (L. 
Zuntz, Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien..., 39 and HAB, 73). If pian should not be linked with arha sallanu 
(not in L. Zuntz, Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien. .., 50-54), then it would be translated as: "at the front". 

395 According to A. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 28, this is MUSEN oracle terminology. In 
L. Zuntz, Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien..., 103: "in das ... kamen sie von der giinstigen Seite nach vorne". 
A. Archi, "L'ornitomanzia ittita", SMEA 16, 160 f. translates SIG 5 -za as : "(con volo) bello, bene". 



176 



Part Two 



11' [ 



] I will give. 



12' 


[Hi 


13' 


[ 


14' 


[ 


15' 


[ 


16' 


[ 


KUI 


U5.19 



[His Majesty made the following] vow [to "The queen" of TarhuntaSsa]: "If my right eye 
] from former times 
to "The que]en" of Tarhunta§sa 
] 



Transliteration KUB 15.19 



Obv. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



] 



]x-x- kdn se-ir x[ 



BAL-taA]-^/ 1 [ 



3' 

4' 
5' 



[ D Sa-u-ma-t]a-ri VKV Ka-it-ta-na MUNUS.LUGAL-za-£a« A-NA < D $a-u-ma-ta-ri> 391 fuRul [Ka- 

it-ta-na kis-an IK-RU-UB] 

[ma-a-an DiNGIR]- f Zt/M 1 EN-K4 ^STU-Sl Tl-nu-an har-ti ku-it-ma-an- [ kdn 1 [ 

[ ]-za nu u-wa-mi A-NA DINGIR-IC/MEN-K4 1 ZI GUSkIN 1 MA.N[A pi-ih-hi 



6' [ma-a-an m DINJGIR-ZC/MEN-K4 SILM-// GAM-an ar- [ ta^-ti A-NA °l!TU-SI ku-i-e-es[ 

7' [ -u]s UKU.MES-wi na-as-kdn pi-an ar-ha du-wa-ar-na-at-ti nu-x[ 

8' [ ]DINGIR-IC/M sa-ku-wa-as-sa-ra-as SI x SA-ri na-an ha-lis-si-ya-mi an-k\u 

9' [ ]-su? U-UL-ma SIxSA-n nu A-NA D «nu A-NA D »Sa-u-ma-ta-r[i 



396 -si could be the remnant of a verbal form (2nd. sg. pr.) A. Kammenhuber, "Sporadische...", in: Fs 
Guterbock, 155 places a question mark at this place and states that in any case the asyndeton "forwards and 
back again" is not meant. 

397 As introduction, the beginning of this line could conceivable do without A-NA. In this long line of text, the 
scribe could have made a mistake and have omitted the name of the deity after A-NA later on, perhaps 
because he thought he had just written I-NA, after which the place name would be in its proper place. In KBo 
16.98 ii 5, the king journeys to Kaittana and the queen makes her offering "from afar" and from this it can be 
inferred that in our text the queen makes her offering in Hattusa ("from afar"). This could imply that the two 
texts are closely related and refer to the same journey. According to RGTC 6, 161, Kaittana occurs only in 
these two passages in Hittite texts. 

The sentence could possibly begin with ma-a-an-mu. Since it would be a very tight fit, I have not put it in 
the text. 



10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 
15' 

Rev. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 

7' 



\za-as-hi-ya-z\a MUNUS.LUGAL^-A^ UD.KAM.HI.A EZEN 4 GI& zu-up-pa-ri A-NA u Sa-u-ma- 
ta-rtf" 

ar-ku-wa-a/ 00 kis-an] f e^-es-se-es-ta ma-a-an-wa A-NA ^UTU-SI am-me-e-da-za U-UL ku- e - 
iz-qa G\JB-li-is-zi] 
nu-waA-N]A E 'Sa-u-ma-ta-ri 1 ZI GU§KIN 20 GIN up-pa-ah-hi 



Corpus of Texts 
]ha-lis-si-an-da a-wa-an sa-ra-a DU-/W ka-ru-u 



177 



MUNUS.LUGAL]-za-faj« ^-NA miJ Mu-su-ni-pa m A-^NA 1 E[ZE]N 4 . r HI 1 .A 402 D UT{J- r SlSe l -i[r 
]x x.MES [ ] x x x x[ 



]x-W (-) W 1 (-)[ 

]-an r GIM 1 -a« mar-x m [ 



]x DUG UTUL KU.BABBAR I DUG.GA s[u-u-wa-an 
]x ka -ru-u 



]x-x-it MUNUS.LUGAL x[ 
}^e-dc?-ni [ 

]- [ a-an\-)[ 
]x[ 



Translation KUB 15.19 



Obv. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



] because of [ 
] I will offer. 



399 The restorations are based on KUB 15.1 ii 45-48, where the same text occurs with a different name for 
place and god scad A-NA before D UTU-S/. 

-za arkuwar iya- or essa- -to pay. Arkuwar tai- (sometimes with -za) = "to address a prayer" (for 
example KUB 15.22:3'). Cf. HW 2 , 311 ff. 

401 H. Ertem, Bogazkoy...cogrqfya adlan dizini, 20, has AskurSunipa instead of Musunipa. 

402 The available space also admits of A-NA U[D.KA]M.HI.A. In view of the similarity with the sign EZEN 4 
in 11 ' and the lack of any further specification, EZEN 4 is preferable. 

403 The photograph does not give -wa after MAR. 



178 



Part Two 



3' [Saumata]ri of Kaittana. The queen [made the following vow] to <Saumatari> [of Kaittana: 

4' ["If you, o g]od, my lord, keep His Majesty alive as long as [ 

5' [ ] then I will come and [give] to the god, my lord, 1 golden soul (of) 1 mina." 



6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



[ "If] you, o god, my lord, stand by (me) 404 in a favourable way 405 (and) the people 

[ ] who [ ], themselves towards His Majesty break, and [ 

[ ] of the god is established as sufficient, then I will mount it (in metal), guaranteed [ 

[ ] .. is however not established, then for Saumatari [ 

[ ] mounted (in metal), I will make famous. 406 Already (done). 



11 ' In the days of the Torch-festival, the queen [prayed] to Saumatari [in a drea]m 

12' [as follows:] "If His Majesty in no [way fares badly] through me, 

13' [then] I will send to Saumatari 1 golden soul (of) 20 sekels." 

14' [The queen] .... in Musunipa during the f[estiv]als, on behalf of His Majesty 

15' [ 

Rev. 

1' [ ] [ 

2' [ ]when [ 

3' [ ] a silver jar ffilled wit]h good oil [ 

4' [ ] Already (done). 



5' 
6' 

7' 



] .... the queen [ 

] [ 

] [ 
] [ 



404 For GAM ar- = "to stand beside . . . ", see HW 2 , 202. 

405 SILIM-// (= assuli ) means: "for the welfare of the king". Cf. E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 6 f. 

The meaning of awan sara DU is uncertain. A. Kammenhuber, "Sporadische...", in: Fs. Guterbock, 155 16 : 
"Goetzes einziger Beleg fur awan sara [Madduwattas, MVAeG 32/1, 135 sub c. mit Anm. 19 (20)] ist 
semantisch unklar...". I agree with O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 96 that it could be identical 
with ser iya- = "to exalt", "to celebrate" (cf. Gloss., 184). Less plausible is the literal meaning of the 
translation of HW, 80: "in die Hohe kommen lassen" = to cause to come up (to the temple). For a comparable 
Sarla- = sara da- = "enlever","soulever", see E. Laroche, "L'adjectif sarli- 'superieur' dans les langues 
asianiques", in: Fs. Friedrich, 291-298 (p. 292). Moreover, I cannot find grounds in the text for the inference 
that here the issue is: "eine Herstellung von zerbrochenem Kultgerat" (A. Kammenhuber "Sporadische...", 
in: Fs. Guterbock, I.e.). 



Corpus of Texts 



179 



KUB 15.20 



Transliteration KUB 15.20 



Obv. 2 

1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

Rev. 3 

1' 
2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 



U-UL 407 da-fpi^-an SIG 5 -i« nu TEMES, NU.SIG 5 -to x[ 
A-NA Wd\-an-za kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa-mu x[ 

]x-as KA-as an-da U-UL ku-is-ki KAR-z[; 
nuA-NA vjwa^-an-za 1 GU 4 8 UD\J pi-ih-hi 



]xx[ 



]x(-) an-da -an ma-a-an- ma [ 



]x ku-e-da-ni me-mi-ni se-ir A-NA ^[TU-Sl 

]x me-mi-an "^UTU -SI I-DI a-ri-ya-x [ 

]x ^-NA INIM MUNUS.SUHUrJlA 1 su-up-pa se-e-su-u-w[al-ar 
JA^-NA DINGlR-LIMIK-RI-^Bllm.A me-ma-an har-z[i 
z]a-an-ki-la-tar A-NA INIM MUNUS.SUHUR.LA se-[ir 
IK-R]I-BI.m.A he^-ir SI x SA-at k[a-ru-u 



] r 8 TJDU^-A^ ^ulGUtR 



]x BE-an [ 

]x[ ]x-e-iz-zi- ya 

1 GU] 4 f 8 ] [UDU na-a]n-na-an-zi 4 



j\n\j\si M iSTAR ME 410 UGU x[ 
]x sar-ra-as-si-ya l[a-ar-si-ya AU 
\x-an-na-as z\i 



U-UL has been restored in order to produce the meaning that is (probably) appropriate. 

408 For the reading D Wa-an-za, see KUB 15.22:4'. In both texts she occurs in relationship with KA. 

409 Some verbs which have UDU as direct object are: penna-, unna- and nanna-. Since the remnant of the 
sign at the end of the damaged part most resembles -an, nannanzi is given in the text. 

410 ME = zahhiyas also occurs as epithet qualifying D LAMMA: Cf. A. Archi, "Divinita tutelari e Sondergotter 
ittiti", SMEA 16, 1975, 89-117 (p. 99). 

411 The remnant preceding §AR is reproduced correctly in the copy. 

412 CHD L-N, 47: "Human offering term, perhaps to be restored in KUB 15.20 iii 5." 



180 

Translation KUB 15.20 



Part Two 



Obv. 2 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

T 

8' 

9' 
10' 
11' 

12' 

Rev. 3 
1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 



] ... [ ] .... When however [ 
not entirely good and the omens were unfavourable [ 
] he/she made the following vow [to Wa]nza: "If me [ 
] within the gates 413 encounters no one 
then I] will give Wanza 1 ox (and) 8 sheep. 



] for the sake of which matter to His [Majesty 
] ... matter His Majesty knew ... [ 
] for the matter of the temple-woman ... sleeping in a clean (bed) | 

] she uttered vows to the divinity [ 
] (as) penance on behalf of the matter of the temple- woman [ 

] was determined because of the [vo]ws. Already (done). 



8] sheep to Sulinkat[te 



] if C 

].... 



1 o]x (and) 8 [shejep they shall [se]nd. 



] His Majesty, Ktar of the battle, ... up ... [ 
] for the sovereignty 414 . . . [ 
] [ 



413 Although A. Kammenhuber (Orakelpraxis..., TdH 7, 28) discerns a (SU) oracle here, another possibility 
would seem to be that 'gate' should be taken in its literal sense. In KUB 15. 22: 11', a silver gate is promised 
to this same goddess Wanza. 

414 In H.M. Kummel (Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 3, 49 +14 ), sarassiya- is termed a Hittite dative (plus question 
mark). Most recently, E. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite II, RHA 35, 1977, 216: "sarassi = royaute, 
Sarassiya = dat. loc. kiz.", reference being made to H.M. Kummel (Ersatzrituale..., StBoT 3). 



Corpus of Texts 



181 



KUB 15.21 



Transliteration KUB 15.21 

415 \ki-e-da-ni\-pdt INIM-m se-ir ma-a-an-mu V I[STAR 
[ ]-ir DU-w/ EZEN 4 .MES-tdk-kdn te-eh-hi [ 



[ 



]x EZEN 4 ze-e-na-an-ta-as EZEN 4 ha-mi-i[s-ha-an-ta-as-sa] 



4' [ki-e-da]-ni-pdt INIM-n/ se-ir ma-a-an-za LU KUR [tar-ah-mi nu-ut-ta] 

5 ' [ALAM.HI^A™ 1 DU-mi EZEN 4 .ME§ an-na-al-l[i-us-sa-kan EGIR-^a] he\eh-hi\ 

6' [ ~N]AM.RA-ya-at-ta 416 pi-ih-hi 



T 



[ki-e-da-ni]- 1 pd? INIM-^i 1 [se-ir ma-a-an-za LU[ KUR tar-ah-mi] 411 [ 



t 



]x ~NAM.RA-y[a-at-ta pi-ih-hi 



]xx[ 



9' 

10' 

11' 



[ k}i-e-da-ni-pdf n INIM- 1 ni se l -ir LU| KUR-za ' tar-ah-mi 

[ ]x ALAM DJNGlR-LIM-ya-kdn SIG 5 EGIR-aw DU-wi 

[ pu]-nu-us-mi na-as-ta QA-TAM-MA e-es-sa-an-zi 



12' [ ]-na ki-e-da-ni-pdt [INIM-n]/ se-ir LU KUR-za tar-ah-mi 

1 3 ' [ALAM DINGIR-IZM ] DU-/w 1 GU 4 1 UDU 1 ^AS.GAL 1 1/2 SA-A-TI BA.BA.ZA 

14' \pi-ih-hi EZEN 4 z]e-e-na-an-ta-as EZEN 4 ha-mi-is-ha-an-ta-as-sa kis-[an] 



17' 



] 



15' [ I-NA mu ]Ha-ti-en-zu-wa ki-e-da-ni-pdt INIM-n [i 

16' [se-ir ALAM DINGIR]-L/M SIG 5 DXJ-mi 

Dt-mi nu-ut-tdk-kdn r EZEN 4 ] .ME§ t[e-eh-hi] 



[ 



]x 



415 An argument against a possible join with KUB 15.14 is the difference in style of the writing: KUB 15.21 
is written in a wild, artistic manner, totally different from that KUB 15.14. KUB 15.21 looks like a sort of 
summarizing tablet containing almost identical vows and consequently the lines supplement each other for 
the major part. 

416 One more direct object probably preceded NAM.RA. S. Alp, "Die soziale Klasse der NAM.RA-Leute und 
ihre hethitische Bezeichnung", JKF 1, 1950, 113-135 (p. 117) assumes only [nu], which seems unlikely in 
view of the position of -ya-at-ta. In line 8' the remnant of the sign preceding NAM.RA makes ALAM 
DINGIR-I/M a possibility. In line 6' this possibility is precluded by the suggested restoration of 
ALAM.HI.]A 77Min line 5'. 

417 The restoration in line 7' is based on line 4'. 

418 Although ma-a-an would seem to be the obvious restoration in line 9' and 12', the position of -za later on 
in both sentences renders it unlikely. 



182 



Part Two 



Translation KUB 15.21 

1 ' Because of precisely [this] matter: If for me I[star 

2' [ ] I will make (and) I will institute festivals for you [ 

3' [ ] an autumn festival [and a sprjing festival. 



4' Because of precisely [th]is matter: If [I defeat] the enemy, [then for you] I will 

5' make [statu]es [and] I will institute [again] the old festivals 

6' [ ] and I will give you civilian prisoner(s). 

7' [Because of] precisely [this] matter: [If I defeat the enemy] 

8' [I will give you] civilian prisoner(s). 

9' [ ] because of precisely this matter, shall I defeat the enemy? 419 

10' [ ] and shall I later make a good statue of the god? 420 

11 ' [ ] I will instigate an inquiry and then they shall act accordingly. 

12' [ ] ... because of precisely this [matte]r, shall I defeat the enemy? 

13' I will make [a statue of the god] and 1 ox, 1 sheep, 1 he-goat (and) half a SUTU porridge 

14' [will I give.] An autum[n festival] and a spring festival in this manfner.] 421 

15' [ in] Hatenzuwa [because of] precisely this matter I will 

16' make [a] good [statue of the] god. 

17' [ ] will I make and I will institute] festivals for you. 



An interrogative sentence, however unsatisfactory, would seem to be the only possibility, since the 
position of -za before tar-ah-mi indicates the beginning of a new sentence. 

20 Another possible translation: "to make good again" = "to have repaired" is less probable in view of the 
absence of EGIR-a« in line 16. 
421 This line forms the rather strange conclusion to the abridged version of a vow formerly made. 



Corpus of Texts 



183 



KUB 15.22 



Transliteration KUB 15.22 

2' 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

T 



9' 



10' 



11' 



12' 



13' 



]x I-NA mu TUL-Ha ar-ku-wa-ar ti-ya-u-wa-an- zi [ 
kis-a]n IK-RU-UB ^Wa-an-za-af 21 GASAN-K4 ka-a-ri ti-ya-u-wa-as [ 

k]a-a-ri ti-is-ki-iz-zi nu-mu ma-a-an A-NA VlU TOU TUL-wa GASAN-y [A 
I-NA KUR.KUR.]ME§ URU 7i4r-r/ GlS TUKUL l6 KUR U-UL tar-na-at-ti A-NA 
KUR.KUR.MES ^HAT-TIxl 

IN]IM-za a-ri nu-us-ma-as U-UL ku-e-iz-qa INIM-za UGU wa-ah-nu-uz-z[i 

]x A-NA SAG.DU D UTU-SI US-os TNlM-as pa-ra-a U-UL a-ri BE-an- 



kis-an IK]-RU-UB ma-a-an -[wa-mu 

]x 1 r GU 4 ^UDU. Rl.A-ya'ipi-ih-hi 1 [ 



kdn KUR 



fURUl i 



]KUR.KUR.MES ^HAT^T!? 1 * 24 SA E.LUGAL U A-NA SAG.DU 
^UTU-SI ha- r a?-tu-la-an-n[a 425 

ma-a-an DiNGIR-IJt/A^GASAN 1 -}^ HUL-u-wa-za KV& A-RI-TUM pi-an DIB-// nu A-NA 
DINGIR-Z/M GA§AN-K4 ™® a\M-TUM 

] KA KU.BABBAR DU-W KI.LA.BI l Zl-za da-ad-hi [ 



MUNUS.LUGAL ]x IN A "^TUL-rca LU-LI-IM.MES INA MU.2.KAM x 426 [ 
ma-a-an] 
DING1R-LUMGA§AN-Y}A ^VTU-Sni-nu-an har-ti nu-z[a 



422 Owing to the many ideograms and the width of the tablet, it is not possible to indicate accurately the space 
available for restorations. 

423 For the reading ''Wanza, Cf. E. Laroche, "Recherches. . .", RHA 46, 91 : ". . . Wanzas GA&AN-Z4, qui pose 
un probleme de lecture. . .". 

424 Something like -kdn, though damaged, is written instead of -TI in vm HAT-TI. In A. Archi, 
"L'organizzazione. . .", Or. Ant. 12, 212 Hatti lands (KUR.KUR ^"PA) without mention of a complement. 

425 The line probably ended with hattulannas or -az. The remnant of the sign precludes a dat. ending in -ni. 

426 The trace following KAM could possibly be E[ZEN 4 : "On the second day of the ... festival". Cf. V. Haas, 
Der Kult von Nerik, 65 4 for deer and festival (with Akkadian reading for LU-ZJM). The Sumerian reading 
LU.LI.IM in O.R. Gurney, Hittite Prayers..., AAA 27, 60 note 1 and LU.LIM = "deer" in HW, 282. 



184 
14' 



Part Two 



DUG ]GAL W 27 su-un-na-at-t[i 



15' 
16' 



]U-a« a-u[s-ta 
]x-la-as-si(-)[ 



Translation KUB 15.22 



1' 

2' 



made the following] vow: "If [for me 
] I will give 1 ox and 8 sheep." [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 



10' 



[ ] in order to address a prayer in Arinna 428 [ 

[ made the following vow: Wanza, my lady ... of indulgence 

[ ] forbears 429 and if for me for the Sun-goddess of Arinna, my lady, you [ 

[do not permit the weapon (of) the enemy [in the countries of Hatti (and) for the countries 

of Hatti [ 

[ ] shall come because of the event and in no respect whatsoever a change shall occur 

for them [ 

[ ] for the person of His Majesty the matter of dying shall come no further (and) if 

the country of [ 

[ ] the countries of Hatti, in the palace 430 and for the person of His Majesty ... the 

health [ 

[ if you, o godjdess, my lady, hold up (your) shield in protection against the evil, 431 then for 

the goddess, my lady, a sh[ield 



It is possible that -ma is a Hittite complement. The form sunnatti is the only appropriate one, even though 
the remnant of the sign does not indicate -/;'. 

428 For arkuwar tai-, see note on KUB 15.1 ii 46 and KUB 15.19 Obv. 12'. It is not likely that the infinitive in 
this line is governed by IKRUB, as assumed by Priere hittite, 19 and, with some reservation, by HW 2 , 313, 
who wrongly renders IKRUB as a first person. There is a considerable amount of space for supplementary 
text. H. Th. Bossert, Asia, 1946, 84 likewise does not assume dependence on IKRUB. 

The most plausible construction is a conditional clause. For example: "Wanza, my mistress, [if in the 
matter of ... you] indulge". The translation of H.Th. Bossert, Asia, 86: "Sie, meine gottlich Herrin (war) eine 
zu Willen seiende" seems less apt to me. Now that KAR in for example kitkar (adv. "at the head") has been 
identified as a subst. meaning "head" (most recently in HEG K, 496), kari tiya- could perhaps be translated 
as "post oneself at someone's head" > assist". The meaning "indulge" was first suggested by J. Friedrich, 
Staatsvertrage... H, MVAeG 34/1, 1930, 28 +2 . 

430 For the difference between E.GAL = "court" and E.LUGAL = "palace", see A. Archi, 
"L'organizzazione. . .", Or. Ant. 12, 21 1 f. 



11' [ and] 



Corpus of Texts 185 

a silver gate I will make. The weight thereof I will take to heart [ 



12' [The queen ] in Arinna within 2 years deers 432 [ 
13' you, [o goddess, my la]dy, keep His Majesty alive and 
14' [ you] fill the goblet [ 



if] 



15' 
16' 



s]aw a dream [ 
] [ 



KUB 15.24 



Transliteration KUB 15.24 



Obv. 1 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 



rD UTU-^/ 1 [ ku-w]a-pi I$-TU KxM ~ HAT-T1* [ 

nu-us-ma-[as ]x EZEN 4 .HI.A SAG.US x[ 

ku-e-da-[ni UD.KA]M-r7 sal-li a-se-es-sar e-e[s-ta nu a-pl-e-da-ni UD.KAM-// 

A-NA °U [um3 HAT-TI kii-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-^an 1 (-)[DmGTR-LUM EN-YA VrU-S/ 

Tl-nu-si nu-za [D U 1 ^HAT-Tlha-lii-en-tu-wa DU-mz 



a-as-ka-na-kdn MUNUS.MES ha -az-qa-ra-y[a-az7 



r>433 



7 °U ^^HAT-TI-ya-za ku-e- da -ni-pdt me-[mi-ni 

8 ka -li-ma-an-na-za hal- zi -i[h-hi 



MUNUS.UJGAL-za-kdnINA URU HAT-TIA-N[A D 

ma-a-an DINGIR-ZJA 

VUTU-Slar-ha-kdnl 



10 ma-a-an DINGIR-ZJMEN- r K4 d1 [UTU- 1 S7 



11 



kis-an IK-RU-UB] 



431 All the line 4' to 10' would seem to contain conditional clauses, after which the main clause follows in 
line 10'. 

432 In B. Landsberger, Die Fauna des alten Mesopotamien nach der 14. Tafel der Serie HAR.RA = hubullu, 
1934, 98, this passage is mentioned as a deer sacrifice. 

433 p or munus.me hazqayaraz, compare Rev. 4-5'. It is of course uncertain whether the same form occurred 
here too. For diverse forms of the word, see FIEG H, 234 and F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri. .., 386. 



186 



Part Two 



12 [ -z]a-kdn x-x[ 



Rev. 4 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 



r MUNUS.LUGALW (-)[ 

D UTU-,S7x[ 

nu-ut-ta pi-ra-\an 

A-NA BE-EL EZEN 4 r KI.LAM ] [ ]x x[ 

MUNUS.ME& ha-az-qa-ra-ya-az pi-ra-an lu-x [ 



6' 

7' 



MUNUS.LUGAL ku-in ™ M pi-ru-na-an IQ-^BI 1 [ 
SA °U KI.LAM (7 NA4 ZI.KIN SA fDl [ 



Translation KUB 15.24 



Obv. 1 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 



[Whe]n His Majesty [ ] from Hatti 434 [ 

and for the[m ] the regular festivals [ 

and on the da[y on wh]ich there was a great assembly [ 

she made the following vow to the Stormgod of Hatti: "If [o god, my lord] you 

make live [His Majesty], then [I shall make] (for) the Stormgod of Hatti a hal[entuwa- 

house 



and a gate the young wom[eh 



435 



And for which mat[ter] precisely the Stormgod of Hatti [ 



and [I will] invoke the kaliman [ 



434 For the translation Hatti, see note on translation KUB 15.1 i 16. 

435 In A. Goetze, review of HW, JAOS 74, 1954, 186-190 (p. 189) the form ending in -ax is an ablative. H.C. 
Melchert, Ablative. . ., 410: "I see nothing about its use to suggest that it is an ablative". According to HEG H, 
234 this form is a nom. that has many shapes. The women in question could possibly be temple maidens who 
make preparations for the festivals. This form is not in F. Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri. .., 386. 

436 The meaning of kalima(n) is unknown. I have not encountered it in any (GI ^kalmana-, GI kalmisana- 
etc. (e.g. AM, 212-214 and HEG K, 467 ff.). The spelling ka-li as compared with kal in the other words is 
noteworthy. The verb halzai- + za suggests a deified object. 



Corpus of Texts 

9 In Hattusa the queen [made the following vow to :] 

10 "If you, o god, my lord, H[is Majesty 

11 His Majesty [ 



187 



12 



[ 



Rev. 4 

1 ' The queen [ 

2' His Majesty [ 

3' and for you [ 

4' to the lord of the KI.LAM 437 festival [ 

5' the young women .... [ 



6' About which rock the queen spoke [ 

T of the Stormgod of the KI.LAM and the stele of (the god) [ 



KUB 15.25 



Transliteration KUB 15.25 



Obv. 2 

1' [ 

2' [ 



]x 
]x-ya u-da-ah-hi 



3' 



Rev. 3 
1 [ 



A-NA D ] URU a47 , -77 kis-an IK-RU-UB 



437 In emulation of the authoritative study of I. Singer, The Hittite KI.LAM Festival I-II, StBoT 27-28, 1983- 
84, 1 have left KI.LAM untranslated. 



2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 



Translation KUB 15.25 

Obv. 2 

1' [ 

2' [ 



Part Two 

j^HAT-TI as-su-li 

]KA-as a-arh? 

\-ra-se-es-sa-an 

]x 

]x 



]x 



] will I bring 



Space of approx. 4 lines 

Rev. 3 

1 [ ] made [to ....] of Hattusa the following vow: 

2 ["If ] Hattusa for the benefit of 

3 [ ] I will come to the gate 
Remaining lines too damaged to translate 



9' 
10' 



Corpus of Texts 

u -wa-si ku-u-un n% :i-pdr-wa-as-[ha-an ar-ha U-UL ] 

\pi\-es-si-ya-si nu A-NA DINGIR-Z/M[ 

[2 :ji l -pdr-wa-as-ha-as 1 KU.BABBAR 1 GUS[KIN DU-mi 



189 



Translation KUB 15.26 
1' [ 

2' r 

3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



[ 



and I will invoke the [go]d [ 
in the field 439 .... furt[her 
and His Majesty . . . away [ 



7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



And if you, IStar of Lawafzantiya], for me [ 

come (and) this iparwaslha 440 do not 

disdain, 441 then for the goddess [I will 

[make 2] iparwashas,* 42 1 (of) silver and 1 (of) gol[d. 



KUB 15.27 



Transliteration KUB 15.27 



KUB 15.26 



Transliteration KUB 15.26 



V 

T 

y 

4' 
5' 
6' 



[ 



]-W-[ 



[ ]x a-pi-[ 

[i]s-ga-al-l[i?- 

\PTN]GTR-LUM-ya-za hal-zi-' ih '-[hi 
[a]n-da ar-wi-wi nam-m\a 
[D \jTU-$I-ya-kdn ar-ha { irl \ 



: r, t i 



7 ' [m]a-a-an-na-mu D I$TAR URU La- wa - [za-an-ti-ya 



Obv. 2 
1' [ 



2' 



[ 



A-NA D ^kurSla-af kis-^an 1 [IK-RU-UB] 



438 Instead of ku-u-un in A. Archi, "L'ornitomanzia...", SMEA 16, 164: GUN. 

439 Arwiwi can be identified with the Hurrian gen. sg. awariwa < awari = LIL "field", "steppe" (E. Laroche, 
"Glossaire... I", RHA 34, 65). Hittite gimra or possibly kuera: H.A. Hoffher, "Propaganda and Political 
Justification in Hittite Historiography", in: H. Goedicke/J. J. M. Roberts (ed.), Unity and Diversity, 1975, 49- 
62 (p. 62 61 ). 

440 The meaning of iparwasha- (= iparwassi-1) is still unknown, despite the supposition that it is a sort of bird 
(moreover not one occurrence with the determinative MU$EN). Cf. H. Ertem, Bogazkoy ...faunasi, 215 f. 

441 It is probable that line 8' originally ended with a negative, thus giving peSSiya a favourable meaning. 

442 Although DLL, 52 gives a nom. sg. for iparwashas, I believe it must be an ace. pi., because it is followed 
by "1 silver and 1 golden". 



190 



Part Two 



3' 


ma 


■a-an 




jtf-UL ha-la-a-an-z[i] 


4' 








]ALAM KU.BABBAR m Tu-ut-tu hJul^-w^ 


5' 






KI.LA 


.B]I r NU.GAlJ i-ya^mi 1 


6' 






A-NA] 


fDl KU& kur-sa-as kis-an IK-RU-UB 


7' 


ma 


-a-an 




]-pi-in me-hu-na-as 


8' 








]xI-NA ^HAT-TI hal-zi-ih-hi 


9' 








]x {-)i-ya-mi SA KU.BABBAR DU-w/ 


10' 








]- r w ] §A GUSKIN 


11' 








] nu tap-tap-pa-an 


12' 








]x-ti-i 


Rev. 3 










1' 








]x 


2' 








k]is-an hld-RU-UB 


3' 


ma- 


a-an 




ku-]in MU§EN-/« 


4' 








] TI -an-za ku-is-ki 


5' 








]-es-si-ya-[ 


6' 








]-W ha-an-[ ]- r ri ] 


7' 






h]al-zi 


-ih-hi [ 


8' 








]x-ga-nu [am $A-NU[ 


9' 








]x a-ri-ya-se-e[s-sar 


10' [ 








]x-an da-a-an-te-e[s 


11' [ 








]MU§EN.ffl.A 


12' [ 








]x MUSEN.HI.A SA ^ulpABBAR 


13' [ 








]GE§TINl £Ar [ 



443 Another possible restoration is A-NA KU kur-s\a-as. Most recent comments on kursa- in M. Popko, 
Kultobjekte in der hethitischen Religion, 1978, 108-1 15. 

444 The reading TU-UT-TU MU&EN in H.A. Hofrher, "An English...", RHA 80, 1967, 23 +16 does not seem 
correct because of the personal wedge before Tuttu. As proper name in NH no 1390, Tuttu occurs in 534/u 
(in R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 214), likewise in an vow and in connexion with a silver statue. How the line ended 
is not clear. Although HU is written in rasure and U is also uncertain in the photograph, an expected DU-w; 
is impossible. 



Corpus of Texts 



191 



14' 
15' 
16' 



]x nu 3 x[ 
]xx[ 

M 



Translation KUB 15.27 

Obv. 2 
1' [ 



2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 

Rev. 3 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



made to "The Hi]de" the following [vow]: 
"If] one does not set in motion f 445 

] a silver statue (of) Tuttu .... [ 
] of unspecified weight] will I make. 



] made [to] "The Hide" the following vow: 
"If ] ... of the time 

] will I invoke in Hattusa. 446 
] will I make?. I will make (it) of silver. 
] of gold 
] and a cage 
]... 



] 
] made the following vow: 
"If ] which bird 

] a living person 



] [ 

] [ 

] will I invoke 



445 Like A. Goetze (review of HW, JAOS 74, 188), HEG H, 126 assumes it is certain that halai- means "in 
Bewegung setzen". 

446 I-NA vm HAT-TI is not the dat. loc. of the place to which a person is called, as stated by F. Ose, 
Supinum..., 40. 



192 



Part Two 



] 



[ 



9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



] an orac[le 
] ... taken 
] birds 

] birds of sil[ver 

] gold, one [ 

] and 3 [ 



KUB 15.28 + IBoT 3.125 



Transliteration KUB 15.28 + IBoT 3.125 



Obv. 2 441 
1' [ 



]x-is(-)[ 



V 
3' 
4' 
5' 



[ 



a]- r w 1 -//-e« I-NA URV Zi-it-ha-r[a 
ri]ul a-u-li-is ha-an-ta-it-ta- ri 
]x §A KU.BABBAR GUSKIN DU-mi 

]x KI.LA.BI Zl-za da-ah-hi 



6' [MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fcw A-NA D I$TAR m]v Sa-mu-ha IK-RU-UB 44 * 

7 ' [ma-a-an LUGAL MUNUS.LUGAL-.ya] Tl-an-te-es 



The estimation of available space in column ii is based on column iii. There is more space available than 
is suggested by the restoration in lines 6', 7' and 10' made by R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 191. IBoT 3.125 begins 
with line 10', whereas KUB 15.28 runs on to include line 14'. Although KUB 48.123 contains a vow which 
probably refers to the same disease of the king in Zithara, the two texts have too little in common to support 
indubious restorations. Although H. Otten/C. Rilster, "Textanschlusse und Duplikate von Bogazkoy-Tafeln 
(61-70), ZA 68, 1978, 150-159 (p. 156) said that in their opinion KUB 48.123 could be joined with KUB 
15.28 and IBoT 3.125 to form a single tablet, it seemed unlikely to me that KUB 48.123 would form an entity 
with the two other texts. The collation of the original (KUB 48.123) in Berlin together with Prof. Klengel 
proved definitely that the join is impossible. For KUB 48.123 (Bo 2753) i 8'-l 1' see C. Burde, Hethitische 
medizinische..., StBoT 19, 5 where there is more space for text at the beginning of the lines than is suggested 
by the author's transliteration. 
448 Restorations with the aid of 1506/u (in R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 215). 



9' 
10' 

10" 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 

16' 

17' 
18' 
19' 
20' 



Corpus of Texts 

nu-waA-NA PA-NI DINGTR-LIM] x 449 ALAM.HI.A KU.BABBAR 

SA LUGAL MUNUS.LUGAL DU-mi IGI.HI.]A-^-A^ SU.HI.A-&/-M7 450 

GUSKIN nu-wa-r]al-at A-^NA 1 D I$TAR URU Sa-mu-ha 451 [ 



193 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-faw A-NA ^jlSTAR^ ^Sa-mu-ha 452 kis-an IK-RU-UB 
ma-a-an DINGIR-L/MGASAN-K4 A]-NA 453 ^TU-SIki-e-da^ni 1 KASKAL-57 
]x nu A-NA DINGIR-Z/MGASAN-^ 1 SU x[ ]x 
]xpi-ih-hi sal-li a-se -e[s-sar 
]x pi-is-kdn-zi 



]x ku-wa-pi an-[da 
k]u- wa -pi-ik-k[i 
-l\i-ya-a[t 
{-)h]u1-ul-li-x [ 
]xx[ 



Rev. 3 
1' [ 



]x- na x[ 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 



I-NA ^Sja-mu-haA-NA <D> 1[$TAR LIL 

\ma-a-an D ISTAR LIL ^ASAN-Kl 1 

GASA]N-K4 hal-zi-ih-hi 

-i]h-hi MUNUS.LUGAL-ya-fai« 



]x 



449 Trace of sign before ALAM looks like TI. Hence iSTAR, -LIM, -YA etc. are not possible. 

450 The scribe was undecided as to whether -SU, as in 1506/u, or SU-NU should be written here. 

451 Pi-ih-hi probably was written in the space under line 10'. 

452 As in line 6', HA is written here as ZA. 

453 To be compareed with KUB 15.8 i 5'. 



194 



Part Two 



5" 



6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 



VlTJ ^TJUL-na an-na-al-lis §A Vnj-S/ 
A-N]A Vnj URU TUL-«a an-na-al-li IK-RU-UB 
ma-a-an-ma\-an-na-as-mu ku-it se-ir ma-al-tu-u-an-zi SI x SA-at 
ku-i\t-ma-an EZEN4.MES ze-e-na-an-da-as 



]- ya kar-ap-mi ma-a-an-ma-an-na-as 

UL-u-wa-an]- za ud-da-na-an-za an-da U-UL ku-is-ki KAR-zz 

nu-za °UTU ^TJUL-na $A D UTU-Sl an-na-al-li-i[n hal-z]i- f ih-hi 1 



12" 



13' [ 
14' [ 



A-N]A ^ISTAR 1 md ~8a-mu\ha 
M 



Translation KUB 15.28 + IBoT 3.125 

Obv. 2 

1' [ 



2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 



[ 



the a]uli in Zithar[a 
an]d? the auli becomes healthy, 456 
] of silver (and) gold will I make 
] the weight of which I will take to heart. 



6' [ The queen made to I§tar of] Samuha a vow: 

7' ["If the king and the queen] (remain) alive, 

8' [then for the goddess I will (make)] silver statues 



The restoration is extremely uncertain. Although grammatically possible, I consider a restoration [ku-it- 
md\-an in relation with kuitman in line 9': as long as . . . until" unlikely. 

455 Restoration based on KUB 15.1 ii 32. 

456 It is evident from KUB 48.123 i 8 ff. that the theme is some part of the king's body: in Zithara his auli 
became sick. Here the medical meaning of hantaittari- could be :"becomes healthy/recovers". This term does 
not, however, occur in the medical texts of C. Burde, Hethitische medizinische..., StBoT 19, which have 
SIG5-W = lazziyattari with the same meaning. A different interpretation in C. Kiihne, "Hethitisch auli- und 
einige Aspekte altanatolischer Opferpraxis", 7A 76, 1986, 85-1 17 (p. 108 85 ): auli- = sacrificial animal. 



Corpus of Texts 

9' [of the king and the queen.] Their [eye]s (and) their hands 
10' [of gold And] these to Istar of Samuha [will I . . , 457 



195 



Space of more than 1 line 



1 1 ' [The queen] made [to] I§tar of Samuha the following vow: 

12' ["If you, o goddess, my lady, t]o His Majesty for this expedition 

1 3 ' [ ] then will I give to the goddess, my lady, a hand [ ] 

14' [ ], a great assembly 

15' [ ] they shall give." 



16' 

17' 



[ in] it at a certain moment [ 

[ ] somewhere [ 

18 '-20' Too fragmentary for translation. 



Rev. 3 
1' 



]....[ 



Space of 4 lines 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 



in S]amuha to I[Star of the field 
] If Ktar of the field, my lady, 
] I will invoke .... my l[ady] 
] I will .... and the queen 



Space of 3 lines 



6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 



[ the Sun-goddess of A]rinna, the former (goddess) of His Majesty 

[ t]o the Sun-goddess of Arinna, the former (goddess) he/she made the vow: 

["If] for the sake of what was determined for me to promise, 

[ un]til I shall terminate the autumn festivals 



457 "Give" probably was written in the space below line 10'. 

458 The sequence of the words in line 12' indicates that §A D UTU-5/ belongs to annallis. The precise 
implication of annalli- with a goddess is not as yet clear. Cf. HW 2 , 75. 



196 



Part Two 



10' 
11' 

12' 



13' 
14' 



[ ] and the , if 

[ ] not a single [evi]l word reaches us, 459 

[then] I will invo[ke the Sun-goddess of A]rinna, the former (goddess) of His Majesty. 



Space of 2 lines 



t]o Ktar of §amu[ha 



KUB 15.29 



Transliteration KUB 15,29 

Obv. 1 
1' 

2' 
3' 



4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 



]x X x x[ 

,1 „.-461 



M 



du-u]d- du-us-kat-ta-rf 61 na-at-mu SlG 5 -ah[- 
D He-pdt vm JKum [ -ma-an-ni iS-TU 1 ME MA.NA KU.BABBAR 



mD I$]TAR-UJ i-ya-at-ta-at nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL 
IK-RU-UB ma^J-an DINGIR-Z,[/MGASAN-K4 A-NA mD ISTAR-L\J 
]- ri hu-wa-za-as-kdn kat-ta 

]-zi nuA-NA DINGIR-Z/M£'-ZX4-M/ KU.BABBAR URU-LUM KU.BABBAR 
KI.LA.BI NU.fGAL 1 SUM-hi ka-ru-u 



A-NA D He]-pdt ^Kum-ma-an-ni IK-RU-UB 

]nuA-NA DINGIR-Z/MU.HI.A KU.BABBAR GUSKIN 
SUM-hi k]a-ru-u 



U]-UL da-ma-as-ta-ri 



' See note translation KUB 15.1 ii 32. 



The space at the begining of the lines could be more than represented here. Line 5', for example, could 
have had [kis-an IK-RU-UB] and line 9' [MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fciw], etc. 

461 Du]dduskattari. This form is not in E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 182. Also in N. Oettinger, Die 
Stammbildung. . . , 230. The photograph clearly shows UD. 



Corpus of Texts 



197 



13' [ 



ka-ru]- u 



14' [ 



i^He-pdt [mx3l K[um-ma-an-ni 



Translation KUB 15.29 



Obv. 1 
1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 



12' 
13' 



] guided favourably? 462 and you make it good for me 
Hepat of] Kummanni with 100 minas of silver. 463 



§a]u§gaziti journeyed (forth), the queen [made] 
the vow: "I]f you, o goddess, my lady, for Sausgaziti 
] ... huwaza 464 downwards/forth 

] .., then I will give to the goddess a silver period (and) a silver city 
of unspecified we]ight."Already (given). 



] made [to He]pat of Kummanni a vow: 
] then to the goddess silver (and) golden dreams 
I will give. Al]ready (given). 



] is not pressed hard 
Alrea]dy (given). 



14' [ ] Hepat of Kummanni 



462 The meaning of duddu(sk)- as in N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung..., 230. See also F. Imparati, "Una 
concessione...", RHA 32, 96-101. 

463 



A similar ending occurs nowhere else in the votive texts. 
' If huwaza- is the correct reading, it is an unknown word. 



MUSEN 



as reading instead of HU likewise does not 
produce a solution. Since the promise is to give a period and a city, one might expect something like "(and) 
he safely/quickly . . . reaches the city, then I shall. . . 



198 

KUB 15.30 



Part Two 



Transliteration KUB 15.30 



Obv. 2 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 



9 
10 



[ na-as-ma-wa D UTU-& 1 x[ 
nu-wa-mu \J-it f ^^IR 1465 x x-te-fna [ 
SIGs-an-da-an u-i-ya-at nu-wa-mu TUG.HI.A x[ 
u-da-asA-NA ^TU-Sl-ma-wa UD-DA-LU ZABAR[ 

ff 1 

xxx Ki-lu -us-he-pa-as-sa-wa ma-a-an EGIR-pa [ 



[ 



]x x nut har-na-sa-al-la w-[ 

]x an-da is-tap-m\i\ 



l^UTU 1 -^/ 



M 



M ] 



Rev. 3 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



[ 



] r KU.BABBAR? ] [ ]\-an u-izhi} 



[ GA]B NA4 ZA.GIN x[ ]xMl.A-ya-wa-> kdn ' 

&4 NA4 ZA.GIN r &4 1 DINGIR ^Eg 1 [ ]x an-da-an i-ya-an^zi 1 

UM-MA nJ Ta-a?-ti-MA A-NA MUNUS.LUGAL "UR.MAH-LU-^^-twa-wjM 467 

me-mi-is- ta ma -an-wa ^JTU-SI Tl-es-zi 

nu-wa ku-u-un GAB ki-is-sa-an a-sa-an-ta-an 

A-NA D lSTAR {MU Sa-mu-hapa-a-i 



8' U-r(7MMUNUS.LUGAL I- [ NA ^^Sa-mu-ha I-MUR nu-wa za-a[s-hi-ya] m 



465 The photograph of the text clearly shows that IR can be the sign in the proper name. Consequently 
MUNUS "U as mentioned by A. Kammenhuber, review of KBo 16, Or. 39, 1970, 547-567 (p. 558) must be 
rejected. This could be the second text in which MUNUS ''U-IR occurs with f Kilu§hepa. The sign after IR 
resembles URU; thereafter follows one more sign before TE. In HAB, 121 LU DE-MU with question mark. 
The traces on the photograph would seem to render LU implausible. 

466 Judging from the photograph, harnasalla would seem to be preceded by NU rather than GlS. 

467 Reading is by Th.P.J. van den Hout. 

468 Unlike in R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 193 and so cited by H. Klengel, "Die Hethiter und Babylonien", Ar. Or. 
47, 1979, 83-90 (p. 90 38 ): nu-wa-za-x[. 



Corpus of Texts 
9' LU.MES ^Ka-ra-lan-dlu-niJya^-as ^ku-i? SIR-/J[£/ 



199 



Translation KUB 15.30 

Obv. 2 

1 "Either His Majesty [ 

2 and sent to me through a dream Tarhu-IR [ 

3 a favourable ... and she brought clothes [ ] for me 

4 and for His Maj esty a bronze UDDAL U 469 [ 

5 [ ] and KiluShepa or thereafter [ 

6 [ ] /;<3r«asa//a-container(s) 470 

7 [ ] will I enclose." 



[ 



His] Majesty [ 



Rev. 3 

1' [ ] silver ?[ ] comes .... 

2' [a breast (of)] lapis lazuli [ ] and 

3 ' of lapis lazuli of the goddess of the night [ ] they shall put/make in it. 

4' Thus (said) Tatti to the queen: "UR.MAH-ziti said to me: 

5 ' ' Should His Majesty stay alive, 

6' then give this breast as it is present (here) 

T to IStar of Samuha.'" 

8' Dream of the queen. In Samuha she saw (a dream) and in the drfeam] 

9' people of Babylon sang something. 



469 According to R. Werner, Hethitische Gerichtsprotokolle, StBoT 4, 42, the meaning of UDDALU, which 
seldom occurs, is unknown. AHw III, 1401 gives "ein Metallgefass". 

470 For harnasalla = "a small box or pyxis", see H.G. Giiterbock, "Ivory. . .", Anadolu 1 5, 6. 



200 

KUB 31.67 



Part Two 



Transliteration KUB 31.67 

Rev. 3 

1 ' ma- a -[an 

2' ma-a-[an 

3' EGIR-a«x[ 

4' nu-wa-ra-an [ 



5 ' pa-ra-a-ma-wa [ 

6' GlS TUKULx x x x 471 [ 

7' a-pa-a-as-ma-wa-ra-a\n 

8' nam-ma-ya-wa-mu [ 

9' nu-wa-ra-at-mu [ 

10' nu-wa im-ma V 72 [ 

1 1 ' ku-u-un TtG maha [ -[kdn-nil m -in 

12' Zl-an-za-wa-m[ul 

13' W'-wa-'af-ga 1 



Rev. 4 
1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



]xx r E ] [ 
]x(-)a«-da 
G]EME.ME§ { Za-mu-u-wa-at-ti 



-y\a ku-e E.ME§.DINGIR-Z,/M 
]x ID-as ku-e-da-ni pi-di 
E.M]E§ DWGlR-LIMma-a-an ku-e-qa 
-y]a? an-da i-ya -an 
^^La-wa-za-an-ti-ya a-pi-ya EGIR-a« 
]x 2 MUNUS.SUHUR.LA DINGIR-I/Af /&7Z/ e/dINGIrU/M 



471 Although the signs on the copy are clearly written, no coherent syllables can be formed from them. 

472 The proper name could begin with He- (Hepa-SUM?). 

473 Mazakanni as garment in H.A. Hofmer, "An English...", RHA 80, 31. Cf. CHD L-N, 214 f. 



Corpus of Texts 



201 



10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 
19' 



]x u-i-e-ir nu-wa-as-ma-as-kdn SAG.DU-i 
ki-y\a-an-ta-ri A-NA KAxKAK-SU-NU-ya-wa-as-ma-as-kdn 
(-)/*]w?- wa-na -as-sa-ri-in-zi 414 ki-ya-an-ta-ri 

]as-ri.HI.A nu-wa MUNUS.LUGAL ma-a-an 
]-\-e-ni nu me-mi-is-ta ku-is-ki 

GI]M-a« l Pu-du-he-pa-as sal-la-nu-ut 
t\i-it-ta-nu-ut 
]x(-)ta-ri-ya-nu-ut 

-i]n EGIR-pa i-ya-at 
]x 



Translation KUB 31.67 



Rev. 


3 


1' 


I[f 


2' 


i[f 


3' 


back [ 


4' 


and him [ 


5' 


further however [ 


6' 


a weapon [ 


7' 


and he .... him [ 


8' 


and furthermore for me [ 


9' 


and that .... forme [ 


10' 


and even [ 


11' 


this maza[kanni] garment [ 


12' 


it is my? wish [ 


13' 


perhaps [ 


Rev 


4 


1' 


[ ] the house [ 


2' 


[ ] 



474 A gloss sign before hu- is conceivable. Cf. H.G. Guterbock, "Notes on Luwian Studies", Or. 25, 1956, 
113-140 (p. 121). 



202 


Part Two 


3' 


mai]d servants (and) Zamuwatti 


4' 


] which temples 


5' 


" ] the river at which place 


6' 


" ] something like [temjples 


7' 


' ] going inside. 


8' 


] Lawazantiya there again 


9' 


] 2 hierodules of the god out of the temple 


10' 


] they sent and on their head 


11' 


a]re and also on their noses 


12' 


] are [{-)hu\wanassart 15 


13' 


] statues and if the queen 


14' 


] and someone said: 


15' 


a]s Puduhepa reared 


16' [ 


s]he fulfilled 476 


17' [ 


s]he exerted herself? 


18' [ 


] she did it back/restored 


19' [ 


] 



KUB 31.69 



Transliteration KUB 31.69 



Obv.? 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



]x rm P/Ua AL[AM 
]x-qa-nu-un m Pi-ha pa-[ 
]x[ KAJRAS.HI.A SA KUR ^Ar-za-u-wa GAM-an x[ 



4' 477 [ma-a-an °I$TA]R URl ] La-wa-za-an-ti-ya GASAN-K4 A-NA ^UmSl INA K[UR ™ l Ar-za-u-wa 



Only P. Meriggi has suggested a meaning for huwanassari, i.e. "masks" in "fiber einige hethitische 
Fragmente historischen Inhaltes", WZKM 58, 1962, 66-110 (p. 106): "Da Brillen doch wohl anachronistisch 
waren, so bleibt nur (Halb)masken ilbrig, die im Ritus kaum iiberraschen konnen." 
476 This verb could, of course, be in a subordinate clause, as could the verbs in the following lines. 



5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 

Rev.? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 



Corpus of Texts 

\pi-an hu-u]- i-ya-sf n tu-el-za wa-as-pa-an UJ-as i-wa-ar wa-as-si-y[a-si 

MUNUS-5]a-za 479 i-wa-ar wa-as-si-ya-si tu-el-za wa-as-pa-an NI.TE-s[/ 

]nuA-NA ^UTU-Sl KUR vmj Ar-za-u-wapi-^ra^-an GUL-ah-ti 
h\J\-LUhf m ku-wa-pi wa-as-su-u-wa-an-zi ti-an-zi nu-ud-du-\za 
tu-e]l wa-as-su-u-wa-an ti-an-zi MUNUS-ni-li-ya-ad-du-z[a 
]x-wa-u-wa-an m hi'-an-zi EZEN \-ya-tdk-kan LU DINGIR-Z,[/M? 



203 



; r„ 






n]a-as- ma-za-kdn SISKUR ZI-za da-ah-hi 



]x-ru-si-it-ta x[ 

m]L ] La-wa-za-an-ti-\ya 

]x- ya-az Tl-es-x [ 



A-N]A fDl [ 

]x {-)mi-i- it -[ 
]x-ah-ta-at x[ 

] ME? 482 MUSEN.HI.A KU.BABBAR GUSK[IN 
[KI.LA.BI N]U.GALpi-ih-hi 



MUNUS.LUGAL IN]A mu U-da A-NA D ISTAR ^[La-wa-za-an-ti-ya kis-an IK-RU-UB 
ma-a-an ^TU-SI ki-e-el MU.KAM-ai GIG? 483 x[ 

nuA-NA DINGIR]-I/M1 MU.KAM-ai KU.BABBAR 1 r ALAM ] KU.BABBAR ^UGAL 1 [ 
k]a-ru-ii MU ALAM LU[GAL] na-[a-wf M 



477 Unless otherwise specified, the transliteration is that of H. Otten, Puduhepa..., 13 . Line 7' not in Otten, 
Puduhepa..., I.e. The beginning of line 4', ma-a-an is not given by H. Otten in the text, though it is in the 
translation. The end of the line is a restoration by the author. 

478 The beginning of the line is my restoration, cf. KUB 15.23:9' and KUB 48.126:21'. 

479 A. Goetze, "Hittite Dress", in: Cor. Ling., 48-62 (p. 51) and J. Danmanville, "Iconographie d'Etar-Sausga 
en Anatolie ancienne", RA 56, 1962, 9-30 (p. 23) have : [MUNUS-a5-s]a-za. At the end of the line H. Otten, 
Puduhepa..., I.e. has NLTE-x[. 

480 -LUM is written as MI. 

481 A. Kammenhuber, "Studien zum hethitischen Infinitivsystem IV", MO 3, 1955, 31-57 (p. 40) reads -s]u- 
wa-u-wa-an etc. "vielleicht verschrieben nach den beiden Supina(?)". 

482 The reading ME is dubious. 

483 Collation could indicate GIG. No other sign resembles the copied sign more closely. 

484 linawi is the correct restoration, a third promised object must have stood in line 8' in addition to the two 
mentioned because of karu. 



■2 2-6 



n;.S 
=r •— -», 



a 



204 



Part Two 



10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



\U-an] I-MUR INIM DINGiR.MES lu-la-a[h-hi-e-es\ x[ 
]x-ul-li-kdn GIM-an x x [ 
D ISTA]R UKV La-wa-za-an-ti- f ya ] [ 

MUNU]S?.LUGAL^-A^ D I§TA[R 
I\K-RU-UB ma-a-an [ 
]-an-kdn A-NA m [ 
]xx[ 



Translation KUB 31.69 



Obv.? 

1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 



] Piha .... a statu[e 

] Piha.... [ 

the a]rmies of the country of Arzawa under ... [ 



If you, I§ta]r of Lawazantiya, my lady, in the [country of Arzawa 
show sujpport to His Majesty (and) put on your cloak like a man 

or (if)] you put it on like a [woman] 485 (and) [cast] your cloak about his (the enemy's) 
bod[y 

] then shall you defeat the country of Arzawa for His Majesty 486 
] If they cloth a man, then for you [ 
] of you shall they cloth and in a womanly way for you [ 
] shall they .... and a festival for you a man of g[od? 
] or an offering I will take to heart. 



] [ 

] Lawazantifya 
] through .... live [ 



485 One would expect: "[and do not put it on like a woman". It would hardly be possible, however, to restore 
U-UL at the beginning of the line. There is a good parallel for the clothing of an enemy in women's garments 
in KBo 6.34 ii 50 where in the first military oath (N. Oettinger, Die militdrischen Eide der Hethiter, StBoT 
22, 1976, 10) the armies of those who break the oath are threatened with being clad in women's garments. 

486 I have taken piran as postposition belonging to A-NA "^UTU-^T. L. Zuntz, Die hethitischen 
Ortsadverbien..., 99 gives for piran es-/as- the military meaning: "occupy openly, before all eyes". A close 
meaning of piran would also fit well with walh-, for that matter. A. Goetze, "Hittite Dress", in: Cor. Ling., 
51: "in front of his Majesty". 



Corpus of Texts 



205 



Rev.? 

1' 
2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



t]o [ 
] 
] 
] 100? silver (and) golden bir[ds 

of unspecified] weight will I give. 



I]n Uda [the queen made the following vow] to Istar of [Lawazantiya:] 

"If for] His Majesty the illness? of this year [ 

for the g]od 1 silver year (and) 1 silver statue of the king [ 

A]lready (given). The year (and) the statue of the ki[ng] not [yet. 



] saw [a dream]. The matter of the Lulafhhi 

] When [ 

Ista]r of Lawazantiya 

] the queen to ISta[r 

ma]de the vow: "If [ 
] him to (the god) [ 



KUB 44.27 (Bo 309) 
Transliteration KUB 44.27 (Bo 309) 

Rev. 
x+1 [ 



]x- es-ri [ 



2' 
3' 
4' 



[ 



D ]ERES.KI.GAL h\i- 
\-pa-a-an-ta ku-e{-)[ 
A-N]A DJNGlR-LIM-ya SISKUR x[ 



5' [ A-NjA^TU^^A-ri-in-nla 

6' [ ^-i\rM D DINGIR-Z,/MlNIG.SI.SA-tor r KU 1 .[BABBAR 



206 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



207 



7' [ 



A-N]A DTNGIR-LIM-ya SISKUR 



9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 

15' 
16' 

17' 



Translation KUB 44.27 (Bo 309) 



A-N]A °U UKV Ne-ri-i[k 
1 N]IG.SI.SA-tar KU.BABBAR 20 S[I? 



]x DINGlR-LIM-ya-za i-y[a- 
-]ma- kan se-ir s[a?- 
E]N-YAA-NA[ 
]x-ma a-r[i- 

Jx-MES-ja [ 



]x x[ 

]x x[ 
]x[ 



Rev. 

1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 

T 



9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 



]...[ 



] EreSkigal [ 

] which [ 

] and an offering [for] the goddess [ 



t]o the Sungoddess of Arinn[a 
t]o the goddess 1 si [lver] justice [ 
] and an offering [for] the goddess [ 



t]o the Stormgod of Nerifk 

1] silver [j]ustice (and) 20 ho[rns ? 



] and for the god [ 

] for the sake of [ 

] my lord, to [ 
No translation possible of lines 13 '-17'. 



KUB 48.1 17 



Transliteration KUB 48.117 



9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 
16 



x-ud-di-wa x[ ]x-x-x-x D [ 

A-li-hu-un- tar-ri -es f An-ni-es Hu -[ 

'U-da-ti-es 2 DUMU.MUNUS Su/nIGIN 12 1 SAG.DU.ME[§ 
vwjj-ri-ki-na MUNUS NA4 ARA 5 4 r GU 4 .APIN 1 .LA r 2 ] [ 



fml D SIN-SUM-as m Za-x-x m GAL-LU m Pa-az-z[i-zi 
Ku-li-ta-as i Ma-na-hu-un-na-as { Wa-at-t[a(-) 

r SA n x LU.ME§ 2 DUMU.NITA EN gi§ TUKUL- j L/jW 487 x-zu MUNUS NA4 A[RA 5 4 
[ ]x-x-a-a-tis mD SIN-SXJM-as [ 

[m] A-li-URMAH-is ""Mi-nu-wa-^AMMA-as 2 DU[MU.NITA 
{ U-da-tis { U-wa-su-na-tis 2 DUMU.MUNUS x[ 
MUNUS NA4 ARA 5 1 GU4.APIN.LA 2 GU 4 . AB x[ 



f [ 



L.J „„-fr 



]x-ra-li-as Wa-at-ti- ya -as [ 



GlSa 



]x EN ol;, TUKUL LU TIN.NA MUNUS[ 



m A-l]i-\JR.MAH Ux[ 



]x-zu-zu-u-w[a 

] r MUNUS? 1489 2 A-x[ 



Translation KUB 48.1 17 

1 ... [ ]... [ 

2 Alihuntarri, Anni, Hu-[ 

3 Udati, 2 daughter(s), altogether 12 perso[ns 

4 (of the city of) Urikina, a (female) grinder, 4 plough-oxen, 2 [ 



487 I have no explanation for the reading EN GlS TUKUL-I/M Neither Hittite hatantiyali = LU QlS TUKUL nor 
ace. KAKKU = GlS TUKUL can produce the complements -si, LIMox -li. 

488 An official, without LU, MUNUS, EN etc. could have stood in the text before MUNUS. 

489 DUMU could possibly be filled in before MUNUS. 



208 



Part Two 



Armapiya, Za-...., Uraziti, Pazz[izi 

Kulita, Manahunna, Wattfa- 

including .... men, 2 son(s), a GlS TUKUL-official, 490 ...., a female gr[inder 

[ ]...-ati, Armapiya [ 



9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 

15 
16 



Ali-UR.MAH, Minuwa-Innara, 2 so[n(s) 

Udati, Uwasunati, 2 daughter(s) [ 

a (female) grinder, one plough-ox, 2 cow(s) [ 

[ ]-raliya, Wattiya, [ 

[ ] a GlS TUKUL-official, an inn keeper, [ 

[ Al]i-UR.MAH and [ 

[ ]-zuzuw[a 491 
[ ]....2...[ 



KUB48.119 



Transliteration KUB 48.119 



Obv.? 

1' [ 

2' [ 



I]S-TU m x-x[ 



URU 



lr« 



Ut-Jru-na'lS-TU^'l 



-n]u- mi 



3' 
4' 



[ma-a-an]-na-mu 492 DJNGIR-LUM ki-i U-UL se-ik-kdn GIG S\G 5 -ah-ti 
[nu-za-kdn] [ A ] -NA DINGIR-Z/MEZEN 4 dam-me-li-in ku-in-ki te-eh-hi 



For other texts with {U3) BEL (EN) (LU) GlS TUKUL, see H.Otten, Sprachliche Stellung und Datiemng des 
Madduwatta-Textes, StBoT 11, 1969, 17 (no further explanation given). A mention of L " GlS TUKUL 
("=vielleicht hatantiyalis, Handwerker, der zumindest in den erwahnten Schenkungs- und Geltibde-Urkunden 
glebae adscriptus war") is in H.G. Guterbock, "Bemerkungen zu den Ausdriicken ellum, wardum und asirum 
in hethitischen Texten", in: 18 e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, 1972, 93-97 (p. 95). EN or BEL 
1 TUKUL could be an indication of rank, as is proposed by HAB, 128. A plausible translation would then 
be "upper-craftsman" or "overseer of artisants", comparable to a GAL ... in other areas. Possibly a clear 
distinction must be made between an EN (BEL) LUQlS TUKUL and an EN (BEL) Gl5 TUKUL which could be 
compared with an Akkadian BEL KAKKL = "artisan", "he who carries with him the symbol of his craft" 
(CAD K, 57). The passage 2 BoTU 12 B Obv. 9 needs not be at variance with this. 

-zuzuwa is probably part of a proper name. 

H. Otten,£fe Uberlieferung des Telipinu..., 41 3 restores [ki-nu]-na-mu. 



Corpus of Texts 



209 



5' [EZ]EN 4 pu-ru-ul-li-ya-an-na-at-ta I-NA Ha-ak-mis i-ya-mi 

6' [I-N]A URV Ne-ri-iq-qa-ya-at-ta ha-an-ti-i i-ya-mi 

1 ' [ma-] a -an-na-as-mu I-NA URV Ne-ri-iq-qa 1 -e-da-ni pi-di DlJ-u-an-zi SI x SA -ri 

8' \na-d\n a-pi-ya-pdt i-ya-mi 



9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 



[ma-a-a]n-na m ki-nu-un DINGIR-L£/MEN-K4 URU Ut-ru-na-za I-NA URU Ne-ri-iq-q[a 
[ar-h]a pi- e -da-an-zi 494 nu-us-si I-NA da-ha-an-ga 495 1 LI-IM \JD\J 
[pa-ra]- a pi-an-zi ku-e-da-ni-ya UD-ri A-NA D UTU-£/' kam-ma-ra-as 
[IGI.HI.A-za a]r-ha pa-iz-zf 91 nu-kan A-NA DINGIR-ZJM 1 GU 4 SE 8 UDU BAL-ah-hi 

r -\ 1 ' URUr. ' rf - , 498 

[ ]x ka-ru-u Par-ta-par-ta 



14' [ aJw-^^Ug-a^SIxSA-ar^-za-^^lvilJNIJS.LUGAL^-A^ 1 ^ 

^Ne-ri-ik 
[kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-m]u DINGIR-Z,C/M r EN 1 -K4 is-ta-ma-as-ti SA KARAS-kdn 

KUS , 



15' 


[kis-an IK-RU- 


16' 


[ 




KU.BABBAR 


17' 


[ 




UDU pi-ih-hi 


18' 


[ 


19' 


[ 



A-N]A DINGIR-Z,/MEN-K4 1 ^A-RI-TUM 

KJU.BABBARKI.LA.BINU.GAL 1 GU 4 8 

ku-e-dja^ni 1 pi-di A-NA MUNUS.LUGAL Zl-an-za 
ha]l- zi -ya-u-wa-ar na-a-wi 



493 Trace of -d\n is not clear. Nevertheless this is a plausible restoration. The index of place names in KUB 48 
gives UD-ru-na. 

For arha peda- ="to bring home" (of a god), cf. L. Zuntz, Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien ...,21 and FfW 2 , 
266. 

495 The exclamation mark in front of dahanga on the copy probably refers to the lack of the determinative 
GI§ or NA4, but it is often lacking. 

496 At the beginning of the line there is more space than needed for the sign KAR, which is restored by GF. 
del Monte, "Utruna. . .", Or. Ant 17, 179. Moreover on the copy there is manifestly a space between A and PI, 
which renders karpianzi as one word less probable. 

497 A good parallel for the eye disease cataract is KUB 24.13 ii 6: IGl.EI.A-wa-as-ma-tdk-kdn kam-ma-ra-an 
ar-ha da-an-du "Den Star (der Augen Wolke) sollen Sie dir wegnehmen": V. Haas/H.J. Thiel, Die 
Beschworungsrituale der Allaiturah(h)i und verwandte Texte, AOAT 31, 1978, 105. A genitive, of the eyes, 
is not likely here. 

498 The position at the end of a sentence of the place name Partaparta, which occurs nowhere else, is 
remarkable. Cf. the position of a proper name in KUB 15.11 iii 5' and T . The name is listed in the index to 
KUB 48 with a question mark. 

499 All that can be seen of a possible d\n-da is the head of the vertical wedge of AN. 

500 GF. del Monte, "Utruna...", Or. Ant. 17, 180 also has US-a«. 



210 



Part Two 



Rev.? 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 



10 



]x D [U]TU-5/[ 
ma]-a-an-mu DINGIR-Z,£/M E[N-K4 
]x- r es-zj 1 K«^-A^ rDl [ 
(-)k]i-nu-un ki-nu- un-ma-kdn 
]x x[ ]x 8 UDU 1 GU 4 8 UDU SUM-[Az] 
]x-ti-us to^BABBAR KI.LA.BI NU.GAL 



*h 



>1 



EZ]EN A pu-ru- ul-li -ya-as ' EGIR -pa-an-da 
]x [ ] x x ha-ad-du-lis DU-zz IGI ZAG-ya-ai GIM-a« 
1QA-TAM-MA \ha-a\d-du-lis-zi nu A-NA DINGIR-I/M 1 BI-IB-RU 



UR.MAH r GUSKIN ] 



[KI.LA.BI NJU.GAL U-yJ-mi 



1 1 [ki-nu-n]a 501 e-ni ku-e r KARA§ 1 m Sa-hu-ru-nu-wa-as "LUGAL-ai-^AMMA-ai-ia pi-e-huhe 1 - 



12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 

19 
20 



[nam-m]a 502 ma-a-an ar-ha r SIG 5 1 -/« u-iz-zi nu ma-a-an DIJ-an-zi-ya U-UL ku-it-ki 1 
[ ]x-ma-at ar-ha SlG 5 -in u- iz\i nu-za °U ma] Ne-ri-ik SA KASKAL-M 

[ m Sa-] hJ-ru-nu-wa-as ha-an-ti-i hal-za-a-i m LUGAL-os- tf LAMMA 1 -as : -.?a GXJB-za 
[ha-a\n-ti-i hal-za-a-i BE-LU.Hl.A KARA§.HI.A-wa ku-i-e-es na- 1 at 1 tdk-sa-an 
ar-ha ti-an-zi nu-kdrf tdk-sa-an sar-ra-as A-NA m Sa-hu-ru-nu-wa 
EGlR-an-da ti-ya-zi [i]dk-sa-an sar-ra-as- ma^-kan ^A-NA 1 m LUGAL-as- D LAMMA 
[E]GlR-an-da ti-ya-zi 



[ /EZEN4 1 Ipu^rJ-ulJtf-yia-aS 

[ ]x[ 



501 Restoration of G.F.del Monte, "Utruna...", Or. Ant. 17, 180. 

502 Restoration nam-rri\a is uncertain. From kue it can be inferred that KARA§ is in the plural. The singular 
uizzi in 12 and 13 indicates that the subject KARAS must be taken as N. pi. In W. Drohla, Die Kongruem 
zwischen Nomen und Attribut sowie zwischen Subjekt und Pradikat im Hethitischen, 1934, 17 ff. we find 
other passages which show that KARA§ covers another subst. (N.) as well as tuzzi (C.) and lahha (C). 



Corpus of Texts 



211 



Translation KUB 48.119 

Obv.? 

1' [ with... [ ] I will.... 

2' (the city of) Ut]runa from (the city of) [ 



3' And [if] you, o divinity, heal this unknown illness for me 

4' [then] I will institute a new festival for the divinity 

5 ' and for you I will celebrate the purulli festival 503 in Hakmi§ 

6' and [i]n Nerik I will celebrate it separately for you 

7' and if it is determined for me to celebrate that in one place in Nerik 

8' [then] I will celebrate [tha]t precisely there. 



9' And [if] now the god, my lord, from Utruna to Nerik 

10' they bring [hom]e, then 504 to him in the dahanga(-roomf 05 1000 sheep 

1 1 ' will be handed [ove]r and on the day on which for His Majesty the mist 506 

12' disappears [from his eyes], I will offer 1 fat ox (and) 8 sheep to the god 

13' [ ] Already (done). (The city of) Partaparta. 507 



14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 
19' 



] the dying in .... was established, the queen made to the Stormgod of Nerik 
the following vow: "If] you o god, my lord, listen (and) in the army 

then t]o the god, my lord, 1 silver shield 
and s]ilver of unspecified weight (and) 1 ox and 8 sheep will I give, 

at wh]ich place the queen wishes 
the i]nvoking. Not yet (done). 



503 As ace, EZEN 4 purulliyan is remarkable. Usually EZEN 4 purulliyas. In V. Haas, Der Kult von Nerik, 44 1 , 
HakmiS should be added to the places where the purulli festival is celebrated. 

504 A main clause begins already in line 10 with nu-. Differing view: G.F. del Monte, "Utruna...", Or. Ant. 
17, 181. 

505 For dahanga see V. Haas, Der Kult von Nerik, 90 and 1 68 f. 

506 For kammara- as eye disease see H. Often, Die Uberlieferung des Telipinu ...,413 f. 

507 Does the place name at the end of the paragraph indicate where the offering is made? Such a positioning 
occurs too seldom to provide an answer. 



212 



Part Two 



Rev.? 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 



[ 



] His Majesty [ 

i]f for me (you), o god, [my l]ord [ 
] ... then to (the divinity) [ 

] ... now however 
I will] give 8 sheep (and) 1 ox (and) 8 sheep 
] silver ...., of unspecified weight. 



9 
10 



[ ] the purulli festival thereafter 

[ ] (as) a healthy man shall make 508 and, regarding his right eye, if he 

[ ] likewise becomes [heajlthy, then for the divinity 1 golden lion rhyton 
[of unspecified wejight will I make. 



11 
12 
13 

14 
15 

16 



And [now] regarding those armies which Sahurunuwa and LUGAL- D LAMMA have led away 

if [thereafter they return home safely and if also nothing (hostile) is untertaken 509 

and they return home safely [ ], then for the sake of the campaign shall [§a]hurunuwa the 

Stormgod of Nerik 

invoke separately and LUGAL- D LAMMA will 

invoke (him) separately after his arrival and the generals and the armies who (are there) 510 

(they will divide themselves) 

into two sequal parts 511 and behind Sahurunuwa one half 



Haddulis: is this the adjective assumed by HEG H, 229? 

Here DU (iya-) has possibly the same pregnant connotation as in Hatt iv 61: "to do evil, to undertake 
(something hostile)": Cf. Hatt., 37 and J. Friedrich, Staatsvertrage... I, MVAeG 31/1, 159. AU, 125 ff. has 
objections to such a rendering. Another possibility is that the armies are the subject of DU-an-zi, which gives 
as translation: "even if they have no success whatever" (with DU in the positive pregnant connotation "to 
have success"). A major objection to this rendering lies in the 3rd pi., because "the armies" occurs twice in 
the same sentence with a singular personal form uizzi. Nonetheless the combination man ... -ya (as in J. 
Friedrich, Staatsvertrage... I, MVAeG 31/1, 32 f.) lends some support to the rendering "even though", which 
does not accord with the first translation. U-UL ku-it-ki comes after the verb in order to place great emphasis 
on it. 

510 As partitive apposition, kuies does not have to take on the gender of the nearest subst. (KARA§ N.). 
Hence "... the armies, which (persons are part of them)..." (W. Drohla, Kongruenz..., 10 f.). For the 
anaphoric enclitic pers. pron. 3rd pi. C. in nom. = -at see W. Drohla ox. 55ff. and particularly 61 . 

On the analogy of taksan arha pai- = "to fly home halfway", in ornithomancy (thus F.Sommer apud L. 
Zuntz, Die hethitischen Ortsadverbien..., 18 and likewise A. Archi, "L'ornitomanzia...", SMEA 16, 153: 
"andare via a mezz'aria" and taksan arha nai- = "rivolgere via a mezz'aria"), the translation here could be 
"to split up halfway". The announcement "in two equal parts" would seem, however, to make more sense 
here than the announcement that the armies split up "halfway". For a comment on taksan see E.Neu, 



Corpus of Texts 

1 7 (will) follow and behind LUGAL- D LAMMA the (other) half will 

18 follow. 



213 



19 
20 



] the purulli festiv[al 



KUB 48.120 

Transliteration KUB 48. 120 

1 ^tS-TUM 1 { Da? ] - [ nu7 ] - D He-pa-asx[ 

2 ' a^-ri-ya-u- 1 en 1 ^LUGAL-ma-tar 

3 [ ]x-ta-at 



4 [°UJGAL]-ma-tar GAM a-ri-y[a-u-en 5n 

5 [ ]x GAM-ma-an a-r[i-ya-u-en 

6 [ ] rGlS1 TUKUL-^fl x [ 

7 [ ]xA-NA[ 

8 [ ]- r te?l[ 



] x[ 



10 [ ]x[ 



11 [ ]I$- [ TU ] [ 



12 [ ]x [ 



Endungsloser lokative..., 13-15, where E. Laroche's explanation of taksan as a neuter used adverbially (adj. 
or part.) = "egal" is cited. Taksan iarra- (subst.) = "demi-part". 

512 A passive form of ariya- cannot be restored here. According to E. Neu (Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 13) 
there are only passive forms of the -sk- formation of ariya-. In any case E§ or I§ must have stood after RI. 
The 1st pi. praet. act. is one of the possible restorations. 



214 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



215 



Translation KUB 48.120 

1 Dream of Danuhepa? [ 

2 We made an oracular inquiry. A Sarruma 513 [ 

3 [ ] 



Translation KUB 48.121 



4 [We ma]de a [Sarru]ma the subject of further [oracular inquiries 514 

5 [ ] and [we mad]e him the subject [of further oracular inquiries 

6 [ ] also a weapon [ 
Translation of lines 7-12 impossible. 



KUB 48.121 



Transliteration KUB 48.121 



[U-7I/MMUNJUS.LUGAL I-NA mv Ut-ru-na I-MUR [ 
[ D UYnj-Sl-wa-kdn IS-TUIGI GUB-/; 515 -[ 

\pa-r\a-a i-ya-an-ta-ri nu-wa-mu za- as -\hi-ya 
[me-m]i-is-ki-iz-zi D UTU-5/-wa ki-nu-un [ 
[IG]l.Hl.A-wa-wa-an ku-i-e-es an-da u-r[u- 
nu-wa-ra-at-si-kdn pa-ra-a u-x [ 
:ki-ki- sa -wi-li-is MUS [ 

r,.,j 



8 [«]«-' wa l -kdn A-NA ^TU-SI EGIR-pa [ 



9 

10 
11 
12 
13 

14 



[ 



]- si -ya-as IGl-an-da i -[ 
m\e-mi-is-ki-iz-zi [ 

]x D UTU-5 i / r a«-^a 1 (-)x" 6 [ 
MUNJUS.LUGAL x [ 
]x [ 

]x [ 



1 Sarrumatar probably indicates Sarruma. 



For GAM ariya- = "make further oracular inquiries", see HW , 292 f. 
' This line could possibly be restored with a form of GUB-/w (= 'become unfavourable'). 
' The sign after an-da could be §E. 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 



[Dream of the] queen. In Utruna she saw (a dream) [ 
[ H]is Majesty, because of his eye, [is in] favourable condition 
[ ] they shall proceed and he said to me ... in a dre[am 
"His Majesty .... now [ 

those who, regarding his eyes 517 , him in [ .... (verb) 
and that for him further [ 
kikisawilis sn a serpent [ 
] for His Majesty again [ 
] facing [ 
] he said [ 

] His Majesty ... in [ 
] the queen [ 
Lines 13 and 14 no text. 



KUB48.123 5 " 
Transliteration KUB 48.123 

Obv. I 520 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



]x 
]-ga-nu-mi 



]x x[ 

ma]- a -an-ma-wa-ra-as-za ^[TU-^/ 
]x AK-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa ^TU-^/ 



] 



]-W A-NA D ISTAR vm La-wa-za-an-ti-\ya ] 
-g\a-nu-um-mi 



[ku-wa-]pi I-NA lmj Zi-it-ha-ra a-u-li-en GUL-ah-ta 



Or: "Those who in . . . (verb) his eyes". 



517 

518 Kikisawilis: unknown (Luwian?) word. 

519 Konkordanz suggests a join of this text with KUB 15.28 + IBoT 3. 125. 

520 There was probably another line of text between lines 2' and 3'. This line has not been numbered in order to 
preserve correspondence with the numbering on the copy. The size of the tablet admits of a considerable amount 
of text at the beginning of the lines. Hence, for example, ''UTU-S/ or more could be assumed to have stood 
before the restored kuwapi in line 8' (only given by C. Burde, Hethitische medizinische..., StBoT 19, 5). 



216 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



217 



9' 
10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 



19' 
20' 
21' 

22' 

23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 

27' 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-faw] A-NA ^ISTAR 1 umj La-wa-za-an-ti-ya IK-RU-UB 

ma-a-an DINGIR-Z£ZMGASAN 521 ]-K4 SU n Pi-ha-°U Lff A.ZU 1 mi-nu-si nu A-NA r DINGIR- 

limgaSan^-ya 



522 



KIJ.LA.BI NU.GAL DU -mi 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-/ca]« A-NA D [I$T]AR vM Al-wa-za-ar?-[ti-ya kis-an IK-RU-UB 523 ] 
-k]dn ku-i-e-es HUL- f la-mJ-us 524 [U.HI.A-wj] x x [ ] 

]x ki-ishc?-as A-NA U.HI. A EGIR- f a« ,4-A^ 1 ^TU-S/ [ ] 

]x SIG 5 -/« DINGIR-LC/M-ww &4 °UTU-57 USA DUMU.MES 
U-UL jkt?-it-ki i-si-ya-ah-hi-is-ki-si DINGIR-I/7M A-NA °UW-§I 
H]UL-/w ma-ni-en-ku-wa-an U-UL tar-na-at-ti 
nuA-NA DINGIR-I/M ] 1 ^ IStAR? KU.BABBAR 1 MA.NA 1 ^ISTAR 1 GUSKIN 20 r GIN ] 
DU-/w[z] 



NIM.LAL 



]SA UR.MAH <m> Hi-is-ni-is m Tas-mi-LUGAL- [ ma-ya? 1 
]-e-ir nu A-NA [ m Ta]s-mi-UJGAL-ma 
DINGIR-.Lt/A/GASAjN-K4 SISKUR giS TUKUL DINGIR-fl/IW 525 SISKUR 

pi-d]i-is-si BAL-w- wa -an-zi SI x SA-at 



MWUS.UJGAL-za-kdn A-NA D ISTAR URl ] La-wa\-za-an-ti-ya IK-RU-UB 
ma-a-an-wa DINGIR-LC/MGASAN-K4 °UTU-57 ] ^-as-su-li PA?-as-ti 
nuA-NA DINGIR-Z,]/MGA§AN-Z4 1 GI§ BANSU[R 

]-pa-an-zi na-an- ni -[ 
-z]i 



521 GASAN is preferable to EN (in C. Burde I.e.). 

522 Possible restoration at the beginning of the line: [1 SU KU.BABBAR KI]. 

523 The vow was probably made by queen Puduhepa. Different in C. Burde, I.e. 

524 E. Neu apud R. Lebrun, "Voeux de la reine a Istar de Lawazantiya", Hethitica 4, 1981, 95-107 (p. 105) 
reads HUL-la-mu-us, based on the photograph. 

525 DU<SG1R-[LIM] was the suggestion of Neu's collation apud Lebrun, "Voeux...", Hethitica 4, 97. 



■ 



Obv. 


2 


1' 


x[ 


2' 


^mjL^-u-i 


3' 


na-at-mu-k\an 


4' 


nu-kdn A-N [A 


5' 


3 ZA.HUM x [ 


6' 


kap-pu-u- iz -[zi 


7' 


A-NA D IS[TAR 


8' 


2 GAB GU[SKIN 


9' 


A-NA N[LTE 


10' 


^-N[A 


11' 


[MUNUS].LUGAL-za-M[K 


12' 


tu-el(-)\[ 


13' 


INIMKUR^^fr- 


14' 


pi-an r EGIRVa [ 


15' 


GlS TUKUL.HI.A-^a(-)ai[-i/ 


16' 


ALAM KU.BABBAR x [ 


17' 


""Pi-ha-^U-asK-) 



1 8 ' MUNUS.LUGAL-za-/ca« I-NA U[RU 

19' D UTU-&TI-an-za x[ 

20 '-24' traces 

25' 1 GU 4 K[U.BABBAR? 



26' 


U[ 


27' 


nu-wa-x[ 


28' 


pit-tu-[ 


29' 


MUNUSx[ 


30' 


X X [ 


Rev. 


3 


1 


x[ 


2 


TI-[ 


3 


TI-a[«-za 



218 



Part Two 



4 
5 
6 



nu A-N[A 
a-ra-i\z-zi 
EGIR-a/7 x [ 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fow x | 
A-NA r lNIM ] x [ 



9 

10 

11 

12 

13 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-/ta«/M4 URU [ 
ma-a-an-kdn m Tal-m[i- u U-up 52 
nu l ALAM lm £/r-/H- D U-K[/> 
DU -an-te-es 521 ki-nu-na-y[a 
SA KU.BABBAR DU-m/ nu-kdn \ 



A-NA 



kis-an IK-RU-UB] 



14 

15 
16 
17 
18 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-£a« INA ^Ha-sa-x 52 * [ 

lURUTr J 



A-NA D ISTAR mli La l -wa-za-an-[ti-ya kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa D UTU-,S7] 



ha-at-tu-lis-zi nu-wa A -[NA 
IR-an-ah-ta ki -nu-na- at [ 
ha-an-ti-i ™ku-si-si t[u? 529 



19 
20 
21 

22 
23 
24 
25 



ma-a-an-na-mu-kdn DINGIR-LUMG AS AN-Y[A 

01 ~NA-as sa-as-nu-si nu [ 

nu-kdn E.SA na-at-h[i-ta is-par-ra-an-zi 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fai« ku-ijn IJ 1531 -[TUM 
a-us-ta nu x [ 
ma-a-an-mu x[ 

532 



X X' 



[ 



Restoration based on the occurrence of both names (Talmitesup and Urhitesup) in KBo 16.22. 

527 Reading of H. Klengel, intimated by letter. 

528 In RGTC 6, 94 there is only one place name beginning with Hasa-: HaSaSar. Since the traces do not 
support -sar as a certain reading, restoration is impossible. 

529 LI is also possible instead of TU. 

530 Restoration up to and including RA in H. Otten/C. Rtister, "Textanschlusse...", ZA 68, 156, where, for 
that matter, TA and iS might be said to be restored. 

531 Unlike the copy, the tablet itself shows sufficient traces to warrant the reading U. 



Corpus of Texts 



219 



Rev. 4 
1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 



9 
10 

11 
12 

13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-A:a« INA 
kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an{-) 

an-ti-ya-an 5 



MJU.KAM-^' ta-pa-as-sa-as 
]1ZIGUSKIN 
]KI.LA.BI j p/-iA-/H 



A-NA D ]ISTAR mv La-wa-za-an-ti-ya 
Z\\-az HUL-/a- W -wa INIM.MES 
ma\!J-an DINGIR-LC/M GASAN-K4 Zl-as :za-ra- 

mJL-I\a-u-wa INIM.MES UL nam-ma 

A-NA DIN]GIR-I/M2 ZI GU§KIN an- 1 da 1 ta-me-en-kdn-te-es 
EG]IR-an is-ga-ra-a-mi 
A-NA DmG]lR-LIMpi-ih-hi 



D I$TAR mv La-wa]-za-an-ti-ya §Apdt-ta-an ku-ra-an 

GU§]KIN KI.LA.BI Wl] GAL 1 pi-ih-hi 



vm Ma-na-y]a-ra-za ar-ha INA KUR vmj Ku-du-up-sa-as-si 534 

]x MUNUS.LUGAL INA vm Ma-na-ya-ra HUL-un \J-an 
a-us-ta ]x-pu-wa-is-sa 535 a-ar-as 

nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL A-NA D ISTAR xmj La-wa-z]a-an-ti-ya kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-kan 
DINGIR-Z,t/MGASAN-Z4 HUL-/« US-an A-NA D UTU-£]/ U A-NA KARAS.HI.A an-da UL 
tar-na-at-ti ki-e-d]a-ni LIL-ri A-NA D UTU-SI pi-ra-an 
hu-wa-si nu-us-si ht ¥JJR pi-r]a-an ku-en-na-at-ti °UTU-5/ KARAS.HI.A 536 

\]G\-te-iz-zi-ya SIG5-W 

]x e -es- sa -ah-hi 
DU]-mi 



532 The reading A-NA D ... is impossible, since no remains of (a) vertical wedge(s) can be discerned on the 
tablet. 

533 A different transliteration of the end of the line is possible. 

534 The first attestation of these two geographical names in Hittite texts. 

535 -puwaissa is possible the ending of a place name. 

536 The restoration in lines 17, 18 and 19 are based on the context. More words could possibly be filled in 
lines 18 and 19. 



220 



Part Two 



23 [ §A jKARAs/ffl.A 1 HU[L-/k US-a]« [ ]x KvS A-RI-TUM x [on edge:-t]a-al-li-en 

24 [ JA^-NA DJNGlR-LIM*- v& A-RI-TU?vf 31 :[ -u]n7-ta-al-li-en UR.MAH 

25 [GUSKIN-// hu-u-w]a-al-pa-an-zi-na-a-m[i(-f™ ] 



26 

27 
28 



[ 



]KARA§.HI.A mv H[AT-TI]x D UT[J-Sl-ya 
-z]i-ya-si nu A-N[A DINGIR-LIM] 
-r\a 1 KI.LA.BI 1 NfU.GAL DXJ-m]i 



29 



]x an- da 



Translation KUB 48.123 



Obv. 


1 




1' 


[ 


[ 


2' 


[ 


]Iwill....[ 


3' 


[ 


[ 


4' 


[ 


] if, however, he ... His Majesty [ 


5' 


[ 


] I made the vow: "If His Majesty [ 


6' 


[then] to Ktar of Lawazanti[ya 


7' 


[ 


] I will... 



8' [Wh]en in Zithara ... struck the auli 539 
9' [the queen] made to Istar of Lawazantiya the vow: 

10' ["If you, o goddess,] my [lady] make the hand of Pihartarhunt, the doctor, soft, then for the 
goddess, my lady, 540 



537 A-RI-TUMis possibly followed by an unknown (luwian?) adjective ending in -juntalli. 

538 In view of its position at the end of a sentence, huw]alpanzinam[i is very likely a 1st pr. sing, of a verb 
huwalpanzinai- not yet encountered elsewhere. Although an adj./part. huwalpant occurs in KBo 13.34 iv 4' 
(K.K. Riemschneider, Babylonische Geburtsomina in hethitischer Ubersetzung, StBoT 9, 1970, 28 and 35), 
the surmised meaning, an indication of a physical deformity, excludes the possibility of our verb being based 
on it. More plausible is the identification huwalpanzinai- = 'to stitch with', 'to ornament' (cf. HEG H, 281 
with lit.) or 'provide(d) with an ornamental button' (K.K. Riemschneider, Babylonische..., StBoT 9, 79-81). 
For -uwa- instead of -w-, reference can be made to E. Neu, Der Anitta-Text, StBoT 18, 44. In our line, 
GU§KIN-# can plausibly be filled in before huwalpanzinami. 

539 auli is probably that part of the body in which the king felt pain when in Zithara (Cf. note to translation 
KUB 15.28+ ii 2' f). 



11' [ 



Corpus of Texts 
| of unspecified weight will I make." 541 



221 



12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 



19' 
20' 

21' 

22' 

23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 

27' 



The queen] made to [Is>t]ar of Lawazantiya [the following vow:] 
] who (pi.) the bad [dreams 
] in view of those dreams for His Majesty again [ 
] good, o goddess, for me, of His Majesty and the sons 
] you reveal [not]hing, o goddess, (and) for His Majesty 
] do not permit the evil to come close, 
then for the goddess] I will make 1 silver Istar (of) 1 mina (and) 1 golden Ktar (of) 20 
Sekels. 



] of the lion ... Hesni and Tasmisarruma 

] they [ ] and to [Tas]misarruma 

o goddess], my [lady], an offering of a weapon of the goddess and a bee-offering 
] to offer at her place was designated. 



The queen] made [to Istar of Lawajzantiya the vow: 
'If you, o goddess, my lady,] protect [His Majesty] for (his) well-being 
then to the goddejss, my lady, 1 tabl[e 
] they .... 



Obv. 2 

1' [ 

2' evil [ 

3' and that ... forme [ 

4' and t[o 

5 ' 3 pitchers [ 

6' she/he makes invento[ries 

7' to Is[tar 

8' 2 golden breasts [ 



Meaning given for minu- in A. Goetze, 77;e Hittite Ritual ofTunnawi, 71 + 
Probably "1 silver hand" should be restored at the beginning of this line. 



222 

9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 

18' 
19' 

25' 



Part Two 



for the bo[dy 
t[o 



[The q]ueen [ 

of you [ 

the matter of the country of A[r.. 

away (and) back [ 

and [his] weapons [ 

a silver statue [ 

Pihatarhunt [ 



Corpus of Texts 



223 



The queen ... in (the city of) [ 

His Majesty alive [ 

It is impossible to translate lines 20 '-24'. 

1 s[ilver]? ox [ 



26' 


Dream [ 


27' 


and [ 


28' 


and [ 


29' 


...[ 


30' 


[ 


Rev. 


3 


1 


[ 


2 


alfive [ 


3 


al[ive 


4 


and 542 t[o 


5 


rise[s 


6 


again [ 


7 


The queen [ 


8 


in view of the matter [ 



If the main clause begins here, the translation runs: "then [I will . . .] to. 



9 
10 
11 

12 
13 

14 
15 
16 

17 
18 

19 
20 

21 

22 
23 
24 
25 



The queen [made the following vow to ...] in (the city of) [ 

"If Talmi[tesup 

and a statue of Urhitesu[p 

made. And now [ 

of silver will I make and [ 

The queen [made] in (the city of) HaSa[- ... 

to Istar of Lawazan[tiya the following vow: "If His Majesty] 

becomes healthy, 543 then to [ 

desired, (and) now ... it [ 

separately a festival garment [ 



And if for me you, o goddess, my la[dy, 

do make sleep in the bed, 544 then [ 

and beds (in the) bedroom [they will spread. 



[Which] dream [the queen 

saw [ 

"If for me [ 

t 



Rev. 4 

1 [ 

2 [ 

3 r 



] the fever yearly 
] 1 golden soul 
] his/its weight will I give. 



4 [The queen made in ... to] Istar of Lawazantiya 

5 [the following vow: "If .... with t]he soul the evil things 

6 [ "I]f you, o goddess, my lady, the zarantian of the soul 



It is remarkable that the verb hattules- - "to become healthy" does not occur in the medical texts in 
C. Burde, Hethitische medizinische..., StBoT 19. SIG 5 -, which has a comparable meaning, is to be found 
there. 
544 Is ois N ^_ ai ( = SaStaS ) dat j oc pl ? Cf j siegelova, Appu-Marchen..., StBoT 14, 20 f. 



224 

7 
8 
9 
10 

11 
12 

13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

23 
24 
25 

26 

27 
28 

29 



Part Two 

the e]vil things no further 

to the gjoddess 2 golden souls moulded together 545 

] I will pierce 546 at the back. 
] I will give [to the go]ddess. 



I§tar of Lawajzantiya a hurt (and) wounded heart 

] I will give a gol[den ...] of unspecified weight. 



] from [the city of Mana]yara in the country of Kudupgalsi 
] in Manayara the queen [saw] a bad dream 
-]puwaissa reached, 
the queen] made [to Istar of Lawaz]antiya the following vow: "If 
you, o goddess, my lady, to His Maje]sty and the armies [the evil dying] you do not 
admit and on t]his campaign to His Majesty you 

show support and for him] you kill [the enemy], His Majesty and the armies 
] and in front in good condition 
] I will carry out 
] I will [make] 



in] the armies the e[vil dyi]ng a shield .... 
] for the divinity [I will . . .] a ... shield (and) a lion 
ornament [with gold]. 



] the armies of H[atti] and His Majesty 
] you ...., then fo[r the divinity] 

] of unspecified] weight [I will mak]e. 



]in 



The meaning assumed for anda damenk- is based on compounds comprising damenk-. 
546 Appan isgar-: rendered as "to pierce", as in H.M. Kiimmel (Ersatzrituale, StBoT 3, 16 61 and 138) and 
S.R. Bin-Nun {The Tawananna..., TdH 5, 199 +169 ). This piercing of the rear side is only possible with hollow 
objects, perhaps in order to attach a ring at the back. 



Corpus of Texts 



225 



KUB 48.124 

Transliteration KUB 48.124 

Obv.? 

1' [ ]x x x [ 



2' \tj-TU]M Lt VGULA 10 [ f-lMUR 541 

3' [ ]x-x nu me-mi-i[s- 

4' ^wc?-ah-nu-ut SIGs-an-W (-) [ 

5' GAM-om PAP-ww-x 548 ku-[ 



6' 

T 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 

15' 

16' 



INA xmj U-li-wa-an-dapa r >-a[s- 

[1]1 549 MUNUS.ME$-wa u-e-ir [ 

r i „ r 
e-sa-an-ta- at nu-us-m\a-as 

ka-ri-ul-la-an-te-es x [ 

GE 6 .KAM-za-wa ta-an-ku-is [ 

nu-wa-kdn a-as-su IGI- an [-da 

LU a-ra-as-ma-as-si x[ 

[n]a-at D Gul-se [D \ 

[s]a- ra -a-an-zi nam-m[a 

pa-ra -a is-hu-wa-an-t[a(-) 

[k]u-it-t[a] UGU [ 



17' rMUNUS AMA 1 .DINGIR-L/M/-M7£ x x x 550 [ 
18' [ki-i]t- ta-ri nu-wa-kdn x [ 
19' [ 



]x \-e-da-ni pu-u[r- 



547 Restoration based on Rev. 13'. 

548 PAP-WH is followed by the sign DA (instead of IT?). Both readings produce an incomprehensible form, 
hence x. 

549 Although A-NA is a possible reading at the beginning of the line, I have opted for a numeral, since the sort 
of women is not further specified. 2 would be possible instead of 1 1, since the sign 10 (or 1) is too damaged 
to be read. 

550 It is possible to read pa-as-su[- after I-MUR. 



226 



Part Two 



20' [ 



]x [ 



21' 



]x[ 



Rev.? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



[ ]x-/7t-x 551 [ 

[ ]x-na-as ma-a -[an 

[ ]x-as a-ra-ah-za-a[n-da 

[ ]-kdn $A m P/-.ya-W 552 -[ 
[U]M-MA Lt, SANGA ki-iz-za-wa [ 
nu-wa-ra-an DINGIR-L/MHUL-x [ 
,4-A^ DINGIR-i/M-wa-wa-ra-ai [ 



8' TNIM°Za-wa-li-asx[ 



9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 



SA KUR "^-Iwr ku-sil [ 
pi-ra-an EGIR-pa &r-x[ 
UM-MA L "SANGA x [ 
[ 



a-as-su-la-ni 553 D 



13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 
19' 
20' 



U^TUM 1 L "UGULA 10 1-MU[R 
A-NA GIG-wa U-UL x [ 
f DUMU^.E- 1 TIM 1 e-es-ta [ 
ma-us-ki-it-ta-at nu-wa(-) [ 

ma -us-ki-ta-at ku-wa-p[i 
[m\a-us-ki-ta-at nu-wa-x [ 
A-NA is-nu-ri-y[a 

ki -nu-un-ma-wa-ra-a[t 



2 1 ' \d\n-za-as-ma-wa-ra-an [ 



Trace of sign before IK indicates, for example, U. The copy shows that RI is not possible. 

A restoration to form m Piyamaradu(s) could be considered, though with caution, since that is the only 
name handed down so far which would fit. The mention of the name of an opponent without the context 
clearly being hostile would be remarkable. 

553 A-as-su-la-ni = a-as-su-la-an-ni 1 



Corpus of Texts 



227 



Translation KUB 48.124 



Obv.? 



1' 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 

17' 
18' 
19' 
20' 

21' 



[A drea]m. The commander of 10 s[aw (a dream) 
[ ] and [ 

it/he changed. The favourable (things) [ 
besides 554 .... [ 

In Uliwanda [ 

11? women came [ 

they sat and for fh[em 

kariullantes 555 [ 

the dark night [ 

and the good .... facing [ 

and his friend [ 

and that for (the goddess) Guls (the divinity) [ 

they weave? 556 Furfhermofre 

shaken ou[t 

everything above it [ 

The "god's mother" saw (a dream) [ 
[li]es there and . . . [ 
[ ] for one ... [ 

[ ] [ 



[ 



] [ 



554 A form of PAP-hh = pahsanu- (= "to protect") is the obvious assumption, but no existing form can be 
deduced from what is written. 

555 Is this unknown part, or adj. related to kariulli "headdress"? 

556 The meaning "to weave" for sara- is uncertain. In KUB 42.38 ii 22 "to plait " would be possible: a golden 
wreath "plaited" of gold (cf. H. Klengel, "Die Hethiter...",^r. Or. 47, 89 52 ). 



228 



Part Two 



Rev.? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



]i[f 
] on all sides 
] of Piyama-[ 
Th]us said the priest: "Through this [ 
and him .. for the divinity ... evi[l 
and to the divinity he [ 



8' 


The matter of (the god) Zawalli 557 [ 


9' 


Of the country of Assur ... [ 


10' 


in front and back [ 


11' 


Thus the priest [ 


12' 


for the well-being 558 (the divinity) [ 


13' 


A dream. The commander of 10 559 sa[w (a dream) 


14' 


for the illness ... not [ 


15' 


the son of the house was (there) [ 


16' 


he fell and [ 


17' 


he fell somewhere [ 


18' 


he fell and [ 


19' 


and for the dough-bowl [ 


20' 


Now however ... that [ 



21' To us however . . . him [ 



557 For D Zawalli see A. Archi, "II dio Zawalli. . .", AoF 6, inter alia 94. 

558 In the translation, assulani is assumed to be the dative of assulatar = "well-being" (cf. E. Neu, 
Endungsloser lokativ, 15 29 ). 

559 Although "dream" at the beginning of a line and followed by another substantive or personal name is 
always rendered as "dream of ...", in the few cases in which a verb directly follows on the second 
substantive, the latter is taken to be subject of the verb. 



Corpus of Texts 



229 



KUB 48.125 



Transliteration KUB 48.125 



Obv. 2? 

1' 

2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

Rev. 3? 

1' 

2' 



]x [ ]x [ ] 

U-7I/MMUNUS.LUJGAL I-NA ^ tf-ri-ki-na [ A[MUR ] 
]x-mu \J-it ku-is-ki me-mi-is-ki- iz -z[i ] 
]x ku-ii-un-wa gi-nu-wa GIG-zi [ ] 
G]lG-zi-ma-wa-ra-an °Za-wa-al-li-ya-za x [ ] 
gi -nu-wa-ma-wa am-me-el ma-a-an nu-wa im-ma [ ] 
PES u-iz-zi PES-ma-wa UR.TUR-ma x [ ] 

ma-a-an-wa-ra-as-kdn an-ku EGIR UGU u -iz-z[i ] 

nu-wa-za MUNUS.LUGAL na-a-hu-un nu-wa me-ma-ah-h[u-un 
PES an-k]u EGIR UGU uhz}-z[i ] 

]x &Z-X-X-X [ ] 



]SA x x [ 
] x x UL x [ 



3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 



k]u- i-e -es-qa x [ ] 
]x XXX XX 
]x ma-a-an ar-ha 

]x im-ma u-da -as 
-n]i7-is-ki-mi 

]x-te-ni UM-MA DUMu/mUNUS.MES 1 x 
]x SA-to UM-MA MUNUS x[ ] 

k]u-wa-pi DUMU.MUNUS.ME3 
^la^-an ar-ha ha^-an- ah^-tljl] 



a]m- mu -uk GAM-an e-su- un 
]. MES ha-an-da-an-wa x- it 



I have marked the end of the lines, because the end of the tablet is marked on the copy. 



230 
14' 

15' 
16' 

17' 



Part Two 
]x-na-as-za-kdn UM-MA DUMu/mUNUS.MES 1 x [ 



]x * M pi-ru-na [(-) 
]x ^UGAL-tw^-x [ 
]SAx[ ] 



] 



Translation KUB 48.125 



Obv. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 



2? 



[ 

[Dream of the qu]een. In Urikina she s[aw (a dream) 

[ ] through a dream someone spoke to me: 

[ ] this (person) is ill in his knees 

and he is ill through (the god) Zawalli 

like the knees of me 561 however and further [ 

There comes a mouse. And the mouse and a little dog [ 

When he (= the mouse?) came all the way up behind 562 [ 

I, the queen, took fright and I sai[d 

[ the mouse co]mes [all t]he way up behind [ 

[ ]....[ 



Rev. 3? 

1' [ 

2' [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



]in [ 

not [ 



] some people [ 

] if gone away 
] he even brought 
] I shall ... [ 
] Thus the daughters: 



Ammel = predicative: "of me". Its position after the substantive makes it difficult to translate it as "my". 
562 For EGIR UGU uwa- (+ -kan), often in oracles, see HW 2 , 157. It is remarkable that the substantive behind 
which the mouse ascends is not mentioned there. Many substantives are mentioned in HW 2 , 159. 



Corpus of Texts 



231 



9' [ 


] in the heart. Thus [ 


10' [ 


w]hen the daughters 


11' [ 


] .. you? wipe of[f 


12' [ 


] I was under (it) 


13' [ 


] ... really ... 


14' [ 


] ... thus the daughters [ 


15' [ 


] a rock [ 


16' [ 


] Sarruma [ 


17' [ 


]in[ 



KUB 56.12 (Bo 5736) 



Transliteration KUB 56.12 (Bo 5736) 



1' 

2' 



[ 



]-ik-x[ 
] x ka-ru-u x [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 
10' 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-faiK A-NA D L]i-el-wa-ni kis-an I[K-RU-UB 
[ v]RU Ha-at-tu-sa-za GAM u-i[t? 563 

[nu DJNG1R-LUMA-N]A GIG-kdn KV& A-R1-TUM \pi-an DIB-ri 564 
[nu A-NA] DYNGIR-LIM^^A-Rl-TUMKXJBABBAR DU-m[r 



[ ].A8UDU7-A^ E.DINGIR-IZM su-up-pa-ah-[mf 

[ ]-ni QA-TAM-MA si-pa-an-ta-ah-hi [ 

[ ^^ju^-pa-ti-ta-al-la ta-a-an EGlR-pa [ 



[ 



] ka-ru-ii UDU Li3MES u-pa-ti-ta-al-l[a 



11' 



]x X X X X 



563 Instead of IT, DU is possible. The spelling of all forms of uwa- and uda- with U constitutes a problem here. 

564 This restoration is based on KUB 15.22:10', in which the shield is meant to be a protection against evil 

(abl.). 

565 In addition to suppiyahh-, there is also the spelling suppayahh-: Bo 2341 (KUB 43.58) i 44 m H. Ehelolf, 
"Zum hethitischen Lexikon", Kl. F. 1, 1927, 137-160 (p. 147 3 ). The spelling su-up-pa-ah-mi therefore can be 
likened to su-up-pi-ah-hi in e.g. KBo 17.65 Obv. 12. 



232 



Part Two 



Translation KUB 56.12 (Bo 5736) 



V 

2' 

y 

4' 
5' 

6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



[ ] [ 

[ ] already [ 



[The queen made to L]elwani the following v[ow 

t ] down from Hattusa . . . [ 

[and you, O goddess, hold up in protection] a 

shield against the illness 

[Then I will ma[ke for] the goddess a silver shield [ 

[ ] and cleanse 8 sheep in the temple [ 

[ ] I will offer likewise to [ 

[ ]upatitalla-men 566 the second time thereafter [ 

[ ] already. The sheep (and) the upatital la-men [ 



1 1 ' [Translation impossible. 



KUB 56.13 (Bo 1601) 



Transliteration KUB 56.13 (Bo 1601) 



Obv. 567 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 

4' [ 



5' 
6' 



A-NA DINGI]R-Z/M SUM-Ai 
]x-LUGAL W 68 se-ir 
]1 569 si-it-tar r KtrlBABBAR 20 GIN 
KI.LA.BI] r NulGAL 1 GU 4 .AB 8 UDU SUM-Ai 



l-M7]-rC/MIGI.HI.A NA4 ZA.GiN 1 MA.NA 
]x GUSKIN NA4 ZA.GIN hu-ur-la-i-ma-an-za 



The unknown officials who are probably concerned with an upati (= loan?). In F. Pecchioli Daddi 
Mestieri..., 562 t 

It would not seem that this necessarily is column ii, as designated by O. Carruba, Das Beschworungsritual 
fur die Gottin Wisurijanza, StBoT 2, 1966, 31. 

This is probably the second part of a proper name ending in -Sarruma. 

Collation supports the probability of a single stroke here. 



Corpus of Texts 



233 



T \pi-ih-W. 



8' [MUNUS.LUGAL-za-faj« 5 



9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 

15' 
16' 

17' 

18' 
19' 

20' 
21' 

22' 
23' 



JA^-NA °UTU-^/ 571 <INA> URlfD ~ ] \lI-a]s-sa IK-RU-UB 



]KU.BABBAR 1 up-pi-ya-as GU$KIN 
ptfihlhf 2 



NtUNUS.LUGAL-za-tan^-A^ l GIG 1 IGI.HI.A ^TU -$1 se-ir IK-RU-UB 
]x u-ki-la ii-da-ah-hi 
D]U-wz na-an-za-kdn 573 IGl-zi x-x 
] x-wa-ma-as-si NINDA l.E.~DE.Api-es -ki-u-wa-an te-eh-hi 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fci« kis-an] IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-kan A-NA IGI D UTU-& 
M]E§ 574 IK-RI-BI.m.A 
-m\n na-aslS-TULI-lMUDU 



ar-h]a SUD-si a-si-is-si '.up-pi-ya-as 516 
]-is 511 SA NA4 ZA.GIN pi-ih-hi 



]x EGIR-pa U-UL u-wa-nu-un 
nd\- ak-ki e-es- ta 

jaIna d [ 

] x [ 



Rev. 
1' 



] x 578 nu- { wa-ra\ 



570 It may be assumed that these vows were made by the queen on behalf of the king (cf. lines 11' and 15'). 

571 The scribe probably omitted by accident a horizontal stroke after §1. A comparable passage in Rev. 23' 



contains D SIN instead of D UTU-^7 . 



572 



Another possibility is tehhi. 
' Collation renders KAN more likely than AN. 



574 The number 20, for example, is also possible. 

575 Cf. Rev. 24'. 

576 It is not certain that a gloss sign is intended here, since the same word in line 9' is possibly accompanied 
by a numeral. 

7 Collation shows that DU is another possibility. 
578 A trace is discernible on the tablet. 



234 



Part Two 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 

14' 
15' 

16' 

17' 

18' 

19' 

20' 

21' 

22' 



]x ma-a-an e-da- ni [ 
,4-AH V/-/?a-£a]-W-«-z 579 ^^V-aSSaW-lRU-UB 
](-)i-ya-si 
mal]-a-an A-NA VTU-S/ 
]x-/ 1 U KU^BABBAR 1 2 MA.NA 
GUSJKIN NINDA.HI.A GUSKIN-ja-faiK aw-da x-x-x-te-es 5W 
]1 GE 6 GUStCIN KI.LA.BI NU.GAL^-A^ r DINGIRU/M SUM-A* 



] m Tu-ut-tu-us EN E A-BU-ZI 

]x GIG -z/ nu-wa-as-si-kdn A-NA IGl-NI 

'[ma-a-an a-si IJ-TUM ha-li-ya-tar 

(-)]ta-ya-al-la-as-si 
1] U KU.BABBAR 2 MA.NA 1 U GUSKIN 1 MA.NA SUM-hi 



SIJGs^m 1 A-NA ^DTNGIR^-LIM na-as-su mD LAMMA-as 



] sal -x-x an-da ma-a-an-ma A-NA D UTU-<S7 
] r 8? UDU? 1 KIJ. B ABB AR-yapi-ih-hi 



]se-ir 1 GU 4 r 8? UDU 1 pi-ih-hi 



an-d]a KAR-a/* nu-za-kan MUNUS.LUGAL 
IK-RU-UB m ma-a-an-wa] DINGIR.MES EN.ME§-K4 IGI.HIA ^UTuls/ SIG 5 -aA- r Aa- 

an\zif 2 



]x 1-NU-TUM IGI.HIA KU.BABBAR LUGAL 



DU-mi] 



23' 



] x A-NA D SIN URU ^U-as-sa IK-RU-UB 



579 This divine name has been restored on the analogy of KBo 4.10+ and KBo 9.98+. 

580 Probably a participle belonging to NINDA.HI.A. I can form no appropriate verb from the text remains. 
Pdr-si-an-te-es seems difficult. 

581 Other restorations are possible, since the amount of space available is uncertain. 

582 The space available prompted me to opt for one sign, hence for a 3. pi. 



Corpus of Texts 



235 



24' [ 
25' [ 
26' [ 



]EGIR-aK ar-ha r SUD? l583 -« [ ] 

] x \ EN GU GU 4 KU.BABBAR KI.LA.BI NU.GAL 
pi-es-ki-u-wa-an] te-eh-hi 



27' [ 



] x x[ 



Translation KUB 56.13 (Bo 1601) 



Obv. 1 
1' [ 



] I will give [to the go]d. 



2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 

T 



9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 



] on behalf of [ ]-sarruma 

] 1 silver solar disc of 20 sekels 
of unjspecified weight, (and) 1 cow (and) 8 sheep will I give. 



1 pa]ir of eyes of lapis lazuli of 1 mina 
] golden [ ] with lapis lazuli hurlaimanf' 



The queen ] made <in> [TarhuntaS]§a a vow for His Majesty. 

a] silver [ ] (and) 1 golden uppiya 5 * 5 

] I will give. 



The queen] made a vow for the sickness of the eyes of His Majesty. 586 
] will I myself bring here. 

] will I make and him first [ 

] and to him I will go and give an oil-loaf 



1 5 ' [The queen made the following] vow: If for the eye of His Majesty 

583 Cf. Obv. 18'. 

584 This possibly neuter participle could be used to indicate that the object is made in a "Hurrian" fashion. It 
is also possible that the object is made of gold (and) lapis lazuli, which is hurlaimant. 

585 The ending of uppiyas makes dependence on pihhi problematical to explain. See, however, note on 
transliteration of line 18'. 

586 Since it is highly likely that the queen makes these vows, "sie", not "er" occurs in O. Carruba, Das 
Beschwdmngsritual . .., StBoT 2, 3 1 . 



236 



Part Two 



16' 

17' 

18' 
19' 

20' 
21' 

22' 
23' 

Rev. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 

14' 
15' 



] vows 

] with 1000 sheep 



587 



] You shall take away (and) for him that uppiya 
] of lapis lazuli will I give. 



] I did not return 
difficult was [ 
] to (the divinity) [ 
][ 



]and[ 
] if for that [ 
made a vow to Piha§a3]sl of Tarhuntassa. 

] you shall 

i]f for His Majesty 
] 1 silver dream of 2 minas [ ] 

gofjden [ ] and golden loaves therein [ ] 

] 1 golden night of unspecified weight will I give to the god. 



] Tuttu, lord of the storehouse 
] is ill and for his eye 
] if that dream the kneeling 
] 



1] silver dream of 2 minas and 1 golden dream of 1 mina will I give 



] to the divinity, either Kurunta 



] 



The verb would seem to be missing. 
588 It is questionable whether there is any question of a-si-is-si :up-pi-ya-as here, since in "Anaphore et deixis 
en Anatolien", in: Hethitisch und Indogermanisch, 1979, 147-152 (p. 148), E. Laroche calls the hapax asis in 
KUB 3.99 ii 18 "une fabrication artificielle, sans valeur linguistique". Moreover uppiyas constitutes a 
problem, as it does in line 9'. 



Corpus of Texts 



237 



16' 

17' 

18' 

19' 
20' 
21' 

22' 

23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 



] in and if for His Majesty 

] and 8? silver sheep? will I give. 



] on behalf of [ ] I will give 1 ox (and) 8? sheep. 



] she came upon and the queen 
made a vow: "If] the gods, my lords, heal the eyes of His Majesty 

] 1 pair of silver eyes of the king 
I will make.] 



] made to SIN of Tarhuntas'sa a vow: 

] you shall withdraw [ ] 
] 1 silver neck of an ox of unspecified weight 
I will go] and give. 



27' 



KUB 56.14 (Bo 1607) 



Transliteration KUB 56.14 (Bo 1607) 
Obv. 1 



1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 



]x[ ] 

]xx[ ] 

]NI.TE- r &7? l589 [ ] 



[ ]-da zi-en-na-an x [ ] x[ ] x- sa -wa-ma-wa-as-si pi- e-it w 
$A na4 ZA.GIN x-x x-us-ma-wa-as-si SA ^UMU.NAM^LU.UjsJlU 1 
is-ha-as-sar-wa-an-til me- ik -ki SIG5 -an-te-es [ 
e-da-ni-ma-wa- kdn [ 
l-e-da-za [ 
foz-W-«-*-//(-)x(-)/w? [ 



589 Cf. KUB 15.1 iii 32'. 

590 The extent of the damage to the text of lines 4'-6' gives rise to many problems, particularly because of the 
uncertainty as to where the verbal forms are. In line 5', for example, an ostensibly appropriate SUM-fa is 
impossible. In line 4', pi-e-da is also possible. In line 6' ishassarwanti is most likely, but what does it 
qualify? 



238 



Part Two 



10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 



me-ik-ki ta-lu-ga-[ 
u -un-ha-an nu-wa-ra-x[ 

r i f 

[nu\- wa -za im-ma x-x-x[ 
[na-]at m A-la-li-m[i 
[ ]-za DUMU.MUNUS r e? ] -x-x[ 
[nu-wa]- ra -as ka- ru-it -[i-li 



Rev. 3 



1 


ZI(-)w?-x [ 


2 


sa-ha^-i 


3 


na-ah[- 


4 


ku-wa-[ 


5 


nu-wa(-)[ 


6 


ih\ 


7 


NINDA wa-[ga-ta? 


8 


pi-e[s- 


9 


nu-wa-ra-[ 


10 


UKU.ME[S 


11 


nu-wa(-)[ 


12 


EGIR-[ 


13 


nu-w[a(-) 



Rev. 4 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 



[n]u 591 MUNUS UMMEDA 592 ku-is MUNUS.LUGAL U \i-lu-us-he-pa-an-na 
[sd\l-la-nu-us-ki-it nu-wa-ra-as im-ma EGIR-pa ma-a-an 
Tl-es-ta nu-wa-ra-as-mu a-wa-an GAM ki-sa-at 
nu-wa-mu me-mi-is-ki-iz-zi ki-i-wa GIM-an su-uh-ha-an 
ha-me-es-ha-an-da-za wa-ar-hu-i :hi-is-ta-ra-an- ya -a-ra-at 
su-me-es-sa-wa SA KUR ^Ne-ri-hk 1 PAT-T? 93 QA-TAM-MA 



Lack of space renders the expected nu-wa impossible. 

592 For this logogram, see H.A. Hoffner, "Birth...", JNES 27, 199 ff. and most recently G.M. Beckman, 
Hittite Birth Rituals, StBoT 29, 1983, 48 f. 

593 Tlas in KBo 10.1 Obv. 9. 



Corpus of Texts 



239 



9 
10 

11 
12 
13 
14 
15 



a-se-sa-nu-ut-te-ni nu-wa-ra-at QA-TAM-MA u-sa-an-ta-ra-i 

ka-ru-u-i-li-is-wa ku-i-e-es LUGAL.ME§ e-sir 

nu-wa PA-NI °U ^Ne-ri-ik ku-is-sa ku-it-ta 

[wa]?-as- ta -an har-ta nu-wa-ra-as-za pi-ra-an ar-ha 

[ ]x-[ ]x har-ta nu-wa ^Ne-ri-iq-qa EGIR-pa U-UL 

[ku-is-ki] ^eUp-ta ^UTU-SI-ma-wa PA-NI '^U^Ne-ri-ik a-as-st -an-za 

[nu-wa A-NA D ] r U 1 VWJ Ne-ri-ik pi-ra-an EGIR-pa tar-na-as 



-.r.-j 



[nu-wa VKU Ne-ri-J iq l -qa-an EGIR-pa e-ip-tct 



[ 



] x x [ 



] x 



Translation KUB 56.14 (Bo 1607) 



Obv. 


1 


1' 


[ 


2' 


no legible text 


3' 


[ ] her body [ ] 


4' 


[ ] ended [ ] he sent? to him/her 


5 


of lapis lazuli for him? of mankind 


6' 


for the friendly 595 very good (pi.) [ 


7' 


and for that [ 


8' 


byl[ 


9' 


formerly [ 


10' 


very lon[g 


11' 


suckled? and [ 


12' 


and even [ 


13' 


[Th]us (said) Alalim[i: 


14' 


[ ] a daughter [ 


15' 


[and] he formerfly 



Rev. 3 



Too few remains to render any translation possible. 



The vocabulary of this text as a whole closely resembles the "protokollartig" text KUB 31.77 (usantari, 
unh. man EGIR-pa Tl-an-za, sallanu, Neriq), though lacking any direct connection with it. 
595 The same form occurs in KUB 38.120 i 43 for the first time: H.G. Gtiterbock, Kumarbi. . ., 36. 



240 



Part Two 



Rev. 4 

1 And the (child's) nurse who the queen and KiMhepa 

2 reared she was even in some way or another 

3 alive again and she appeared below me 

4 and she said to me: "Just at this roof 696 

5 is overgrown 597 in the spring and it is histara 59 *, 

6 so shall you settle once again at the border of the land of Nerik 

7 and let it be likewise fertile 599 . 

8 The former kings who once were 

9 each had in every respect with regard to the Stormgod of Nerik 

10 sinned and he had for away [ 

1 1 and thereafter no [one] occupied Nerik. 

12 But His Majesty is loved by the Stormgod of Nerik 

13 [and] the Stormgod of Nerik left it [to him?] (to attend to the cult) 

14 [and] he took [Ner]ik into use again. 600 



KUB 56.15 (Bo 1707) 

Transliteration KUB 56.15 (Bo 1707) 

Obv. 2 

1 [A-N]A VrU-^/ 1 [ 

2 [nulA-NA™** 1 ™ 

3 1 GU 4 8 UDU ki-e[l-di-ya 



4 A-NA*V»IU-pdt™"x[ 



596 Ki and warhui indicate that suhhan must be nom. sg. N. 

597 CHD L-N, 56: "weed-grown". Evidently the roof had to be cleaned and repaired after a hard whiter. Cf. 
H.A. Hoffher, "Studies in Hittite Vocabulary, Syntax, and Style", JCS 29, 1977, 151-156 (p. 152 +6 ). 

598 Adject, or part. N. of unknown meaning. 

599 Comments on usantari- etc. in H.C. Melchert, "Hittite uwas and Congeners", IF 91, 1986, 102-115. See 
also note on translation of KUB 15.9 ii 4'. 

600 The content of lines 6 to 14 closely resembles, also in use of words, KUB 21.19+ hi 16'-25': Cf. D. 
Surenhagen, "Zwei Gebete...", AoF 8, 1981, 94 f. For the neglect of Nerik by earlier kings, see KUB 21.27+ 
i 16 ff. I have deliberately rendered EG\R-pa ep- differently in 1 1 and 14. "To take into use" is based on the 
meaning "to take (as residence)" in KUB 1.1 ii 53 (cf. HED A-I, 276). 



Corpus of Texts 



241 



5 ku-i-e-es ku-i-e-es DINGIR.MES [ 

6 pa-ra-a ti-ya-mi 



9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 

25 
26 
27 
28 
29 



ma-a-an-na-mu DIM .NUN.ME 77a -[ra-a U-UL e-ip-zi 
A-NA x^HI.A 1601 sa-ri-wa-mu-kdnl x[ 

nuA-NA DINGIR-LZa/gaSAN 1 -^ 1 GU 4 8 UDU [am-ba-as-si] 
1 GU 4 8 UDU ki-el-di-yapi-ihhi 1 [ 
kuh? AS-RUlS-TUl su-un-ni-\ya-anl 
nu] ^A^-NA DINGIR-L/M^ASAN 1 -^ ku-un-ga-an x-x[ 

]x 1 MA^.NA DU-mi na-cm iS-TUl DU[G.GA su-un-ni-ya-an-da-an 

i\e-eh-hi na-an A-NA DTNGIR-LIM pi-ih-hi [ 



MUNUS.LUGAL ku-wa-]piINA ^lz-zi-ya A-NA a/aB.BA 1 x [ 

]nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL A-NA A.AB.BA ^is-an 1 [IK-RU-UB 
]ma-a-an-mu A.AB.BA EN-YA A-NA DINGIrJmeS 1 [ 
-y]a- si m Pi-ya-ma-ra-du-un-mu- kdn [ 
-] it -ti UL-as-mu-kdn is-pdr-za-zi [ 
]x ku-it SISKUR pi-is-kdn-zi [ 
JA-NA 1 SISKUR ID 603 ku-it ha-an-ta-a-an am-x[ 



]x x-wiA-NA DrNGIR.MES-ja-yta« ku-e-da-as [ 

]x TI -an e-es-ta nu a-pi-e-da-a[s 

]-an-^dc?-as NINDA.GUR4.RA ^ma-a^-la-a-i [ 



Ku]m- ma -an-ni ma-a-an m Pi-ya-ma- ra -[du-un 
]x- r n -1 -x iS-TUE-TA-TI e-ip-t[i 
lx x x guSktn MUSEN GUSKIN E-DA-N[U GUSKIN 

] m Pi-ya-ma-ra-du-us-sa-at x[ 

]x-/ 



601 After photo collation by S. Ko§ak, without the last horizontal stroke. 

602 The most plausible reading is MA. 

603 Although A-MA is written instead of ID like in KUB 36.83 iv 1 1. 

604 Although the signs in the copy look more like BANSuR, ma-al- is possible. 



242 

30 
31 



[ 



Part Two 



k]u- e -da-ni-pat INIM-wi s[e-ir 
] x E-DA-NU GU§KI[N 



Translation KUB 56.15 (Bo 1707) 

Obv. 2 

1 [Fo]r His Majesty [ 

2 [and] to the (mountain) [ 

3 1 ox (and) 8 sheep for the he[alth 



4 To the Stormgod (and) Hepat 605 of (the city) | 

5 whichever gods [ 

6 I shall come out 



7 And if DIM.NUN.ME [does not seize 606 me further 

8 (and) for my [ 

9 then I will give to the goddess, my lady, 1 ox (and) 8 sheep [(for) ambassi and] 

10 1 ox (and) 8 sheep for the health. [ 

1 1 (At) which place 607 with o[il filled 

12 [Then] for the goddess, my lady, erected 

13 [ ] (of) 1 mina I will make and that I will put [ filled] with go[od] oil [ 

14 [ ] and I will give that to the goddess. [ 

15 [When the que]en in Izziya 608 to the sea [ 

16 [ ] to the sea the queen [made] the following [vow: 

17 [ ] if you, o sea, my lord, for the gods [ 

18 [ ] you Piyamaradu (ace.) for me [ 



605 These gods are only closely coupled together in Hitt.-Hurr. texts and are in accordance with the West- 
Hurr. conception of Hepat, instead of Ktar, as spouse of the Stormgod (I. Wegner, Gestalt..., AOAT 36, 44). 

606 Cf. KUB 15.11 iii 13' ff. and 19' ff. 

607 Although hunk- occurs with AS-RU "to erect at a place" (N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung..., 179), it is 
difficult to link these two together in this passage if a main clause begins with [nu] in 12, unless we assume 
that the place itself "is filled with oil". In that case line 12 would run: "(on which) for the goddess, my lady, 
... (is) erected ...". 

608 City in Kizzuwatna, as evidenced by KUB 40.2 Obv. 27 where [ya] can be restored (C. Kuhne, 
"Bemerkungen. . .", ZA 62, 241). It is likely that from roughly this place Piyamaradu left Asia Minor by sea. 



Corpus of Texts 



243 



19 
20 
21 

22 
23 
24 

25 
26 
27 
28 
29 

30 
31 



] while he does not escape me [ 

] the offering that they shall give [ 

] what (is) designated 609 for the ritual of the river [ 

] and for which gods [ 

] was alive, for them [ 

] .. he shall crumble a thick loaf of bread. 



of] Kummanni 610 : If [you] Piyamara[du (ace.) 

] you seize from the region [ 

] a golden [ ], a golden bird (and) [a golden] period 611 [ 

] and Piyamaradu that [ 



be]cause of precisely which matter [ 
] a golden period [ 



KUB 56.16 (Bo 1736) 



Transliteration KUB 56.16 (Bo 1736) 



Rev.' 

1' 
2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 



M 

]xlS-T[U 
]x-du-is [ 

frA-NA^U^Nle-ri-ik 
]x x[ 



KIXA.BI] r NU 1 .GAL 



]x-si-ya hu-ut-la ii-nu-wa-a[n(-) 



609 Also possible as adv. = "really"; hantan is not necessarily a predicate. 

610 Before Kummanni a divine name could be considered. 

611 A silver period is promised in KUB 15.29:7'. 

612 A copy of the Obv. is according to the edition "nicht lohnend". 

613 



Unuwai- is, preceded by the unexplainable hutla, also in KUB 56.21 line 3' and possibly in line 9'. 



244 



Part Two 



-h\al-ri 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 

15' 

16' 

17' 

18' 
19' 



[ ]-zi u-it 




[ EZE]N4 te-it-hi-is-na-as 




[ ]S\G 5 -ah-ti 




[ ]x-an ku-wa-pi is- 


ta-m[a-as-mi 


[ -a]n ku-wa-pi is- 


ta-ma-as-mi 


[ -s\a-kdn se- 


ir 


[ ] 


[ -q] 2 




[ -]as-si 




[ ] 






] 



20' [ 



Translation KUB 56.16 (Bo 1736) 



Rev. 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 



wi]th 

] [ 

] to the Stormgod of N[erik 

] of unspecified weight] 

] hutla decorated 614 

] 



614 The combination of hutla and a form of unuwai- also occurs in KUB 56.21:3'. Instead of "decorated" 
"one shall decorate" is, for example, another possibility. 



Corpus of Texts 



245 



9 


] he came 


10 


the festival of the thunderstorm 615 


11 


] you heal 


12 


I will] hear once 


13 


] I will hear once 


A translation of 14'-20' is impossible. 



KUB 56.18 (Bo 6395) 



Transliteration KUB 56.18 (Bo 6395) 



Obv. 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
T 



[ 

[INA Km Ar-za-wa-mu-kd[n 

[KUR U]RU i£4r-77E.ME§ D[INGIR.ME§ 

GUSKIN a-pi-ni-su-wa-an- da ki -[ 



KUR 



Ar-za-u-wa-ya-at-ta usl-[ 
nu MU.KAM-ti-li 10 GU 4 1 [ ME UDU 1 [ 



8' D UTO- r # 1 -za-W/AM """x [ 



9' 


kis -an 


IK-RU- 


^UB^[ 


10' 


r GAM? 


ti-ya -. 


fix[ 


11' 


[DINGIjR-ZJM ruRU \[ 


12' 


[ 




]- l ya\- 


Rev? 








r 


[ 




] 


2' 


t 




][ 



]-zi[ 



615 Although tethi/eSsar is often rendered with "thunder", it is better to distinguish, where possible, between 
thunder (haSihasi), lightning (wantema-) and thunderstorm (tethima-ltethessar). Thunder and lightning are 
the weapons of the Stormgod. The fact that tethima can be heard (KUB 17.35 ii 12) need not mean that it 
must be translated as thunder. What makes the translation of these words difficult is that often the words 
thunderstorm, Gewitter, donnern, thunder, etc. are inaccurately used in the spoken language. 



246 



Part Two 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 



D UT]\J-§I-za-kd[n 
] x-an x[ 

]- [ ya?^A-N[A 

]x us-x[ 

]x-uk [ 

] X X [ 

]x[ 



Translation KUB 56.18 (Bo 6395) 

Obv. 

1' [ 

2' [In the land of ] Arzawa 616 for me [ 

3 ' The temp [les of the land of] Hatti [ 

4' and Hupisna [ 

5' such gold [ 

6' also Arzawa for you [ 

7' and yearly 10 oxen (and) 100 sheep [ 



8' His Majesty made in (the city of) [ 

9' the following vow [ 

10' You support [ 

1 1 ' [the go]d (of the city of) [ 

12' [ 

It is impossible to translate the Rev. 



' In the texts dealt with here, Arzawa also occurs in KUB 15.6 ii 12' (fr.), KUB 31.69 Obv.? 3' and 7' 



Corpus of Texts 



247 



KUB 56.19 (Bo 2469) 6 



Transliteration KUB 56.19 (Bo 2469) 

Obv. 1 
1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 



9 
10 

11 

12 

13 
14 



]x 



]x-at-ti 
EZEN4 ha-an-]ti-i te-eh-hi 



ar]-ha pi-es-si-ya-si 
nu-ut-t\a EZEN 4 x [ ] i-ya-mi 



-i\a-az-za-as-si nu-mu ki -e [HUL ]-u-wa 
a-wa-an ar-ha ti-it-ta-nu-si nu-ut-ta EZJEN4 mu-u-wa-at-ta-la-hi-ta-as-si-in i-ya-m[i] 



n]a-ak-ku-us-si-ya-an-ta-az da-at-ti [nu] ZALAG.GA-nu-si 
-]es-ti nu-ut-ta EZEN4 ZALAGGA-as i-ya-mi 



15 
16 






„?1, 



ma-an-mu 619 SIGs-an-ta-an KASKAL-an hi-in-kat-ti a-as-sa-u-i-mu-kdn ' GAM-an ' ti-ya-si 
nu-ut-ta EZEN 4 KASKAL-M i-ya-mi 



17 [m]a-a-an-na am-me-e-el-la ku-e HUL-u-wa na-at °U EN-Z4 x-an [ ]-ha?-an 



617 A large part of the Obv. of the tablet consists of extracts from more extensive vows containing promises 
of the celebration of various special, non-canonical festivals, some of which, to the best of my knowledge, 
have hitherto been unknown. Basically column i contains mainly extracts from earlier vows wherein, 
primarily, special festivals are promised. Column ii is "protokollartig". Since the surface is seriously 
damaged as a whole, the damage is given only where significant. 

618 Based on 17 and 23. 

619 Only here ma-an as compared with ma-a-an in 17, 21, 22, 26 etc.? 



248 



Part Two 



1 8 \ku\-it an-da x-x-is-si nu-ut-ta a-pu-u-un-na EZEN4 ha-an-ti-i [i-]ya-mi 

19 ^U-ma-za EN-K4 ku-it gi-e-nu e-ip-pu-un nu-mu ma-a-an °U EN-YA Tl-nu-Si 

20 nu-ut-ta EZEN4 gi-e-nu-wa-as ap-pa-an-na-as i-ya-mi 

21 ma-a-an-na-mu^J EN-YA UUL-u-wa-az pdr-ku-nu-si nu-ut-ta EZEN4 pdr-ku-in i-ya-mi 



22 
23 
24 
25 



ma-a-an-na °U EN-YA am-me-el HUL-/w sal-It x x x x x -ha -x x 
ki-e-ya-mu HUL-w-wa da-pi-an-ta a-wa-an ar-ha ti-it-ta-nu-s[i 



[ ]x [nu]- ut-ta a-pu-u-un-na EZEN4 te-eh-hi E-ir-ra-za-kdn ku-it x[ 



]-ya 



x x [ 



]-x-nu-un nu-kdn a-pi-e-iz-zi-ya da-ah-hi na-at A-[NA D U] te-eh-hi 



26 ma-a-an-ma-mu [ 

27 ar-/w SUD-*X-) 623 [ 



] x x ku-is m x x x -pdd-da-a-it(-)x 622 [ ] D [U] EN-K4 
] x [ ] EZEN 4 i-ya-mi 



28 
29 
30 



SA MUSEN-ma-za-kdn i-wa-ar D [ 
°U EN-YA Tl-nu-si ZAG x x [ 



]x x x e-ip -p[u-u]n nu-mu ma-a-an 
]x [A-NA °U EN-]YA AL[AM] i-ya-mi 



nu-us-si GlS AB 624 -a« is-x-nul-x-x r EZEN 4 1 [ 



]a-si- kdn [ \te-eh-hi 



3 1 ma-a-an-na-mu-kdn °U EN-YA ki -e-da-as ud-da- nal -[as]-tf-is-ti-x ! [ ] 

32 nu-ut-ta EZEN4 pa-ra-a ha-an-da-an-ta-an-na-as i-y[a-mi 



33 ma-a-an-na-mu-kdn °U EN-K4 ki -e-da-as A-NA INIM 7 .MES[ ]x-a«-«a-[ 



34 

35 



] 

W-e-za ku-e INIM.[ME§] A-NA °U EN-K4 ar-ku-u-wa-ar i[-ya-nu-unf 25 x [ ] 

as-su-ul ki-sa-at DINGIR.MES-za hu-u-ma-an-te-es ta-pdr-ri-ya-a[n-zi nu-ma-a-an 



]x[ 



The transliteration of lines 17 and 18 is very uncertain as regards the end and beginning respectively. 
Although the sign after -YA most resembles UN, UN-an is grammatically impossible if the beginning of line 
18 has -at as direct object of the verbal form ending in -is-Si. 

621 Probably -wa-is-si is possible instead of -si-is-si. The first signs of the verb would seem to be U and NU. 
But unuwai- never occurs with anda. 

622 How far the name of the river continues is not clear. 



623 



If SUD is the correct reading, the following -ra is incomprehensible. 
' Reading uncertain. 



625 This construction is comparable to KUB 6.45+ i 27 f.: nu-za A-WA-TE.ME& ku-e A-NA DINGIR.ME§ 
EN.MES ar-ku-wa-ar DU-/m. 



Corpus of Texts 



249 



36 ^am^-me-el as-su- la'-as me-mi-an EGIR-pa U-UL p[a-as-k]u-wa-an-zi [nu-mu °\J EN-YA 

37 WJL-u-wa-az hu-u-ma-an-da-az da-at-ti nu A-NA "U EN-K4 [ 

38 [EZE]N 4 hal-zi-ya-u-wa-as x 62t '-ha-ma-an- 1 zi 1 [ ] na-at A-NA rf U EN-K4 1 [ 

39 ^ e^-les-su-u-^wa-an ti-ya-an-zi nu-za °U EN-K4 ki-e-da-[as A-NA INIM.ME& 

40 xx [ ]xUn^A-NA ^V-ma-as EN-YA D SIN-as- 1 kdn 1 x[ 

41 x x[ ]TI-an-xx[ ]-an e-es-du [ 



42 
43 
44 



[ 

x[ 

x[ 



]-kdn ku-it [a-as-si-y]a-an-za na-an-mu ma-a-an °U EN-Z4 [ 
]x-mu- kdn a-pi-ya ar-ha x x x x nu NINDA? [ 



] x x 621 -si-ya-an-za D [ 



]-an[ 



45 [m}a- [ a\a]n^na 1 -mu^Mn^He-pd?Mm^SUJGALAH-E'Yl-[A\Kf 62i -YAA-NA x x [ 



Obv. 2 629 
1 



2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 



nu wa-as-ta-nu-e- ir na-an har -na-a-i x[ 



nu DUMU.MUNUS ku-is mi-ya-ri nu ^^iz-z/ 630 a-pi- iz^ 1 -[zi-yal 
SAG.DU-az pa-a-i pa- a -i-ma- at ku-e-da-ni \pi-di 
na-at-za a-ri-ya-se-es-sar i-ya-mi nu ma-a-an [ 
E si-nap-si D\J-mi na-as ma-a-an a-pi-ya SI x SA -r[i 



ma-a-na-as I-NA mv Qa-ti-ya-ma SI x SA-n 
na-an I-NA mL ] Qa-ti-ya pa-a-i 



8 UM-MA °UTU-5/-M4 ku-u-un-wa ku-in 632 r INIM 1 { Hi-li-es-du-[ 



9 

10 

11 



nu-wa AMA -SU ku-wa-pi ar-ma-ah-ha-an-za e-es-ta nu [ 
DUMUMUNUS-ya-wa-kdn SAG.DU-aw za-az-zi-ta-az sa-an-ha-an-[zi 
Li]ME& pu-ra-ap-si- is da-pi-an-te-es an-da a-ra-an-zi [ 



626 The form ending in -ma-an-zi renders is- impossible. 

627 No a-as discernible. 



628 Is this an exceptional ace. complement of NAPlSTV} 

629 As to KUB 56.19 in G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, StBoT 29, 256 ff, which contains a 
transhteration, translation and commentary on line 1-16. The text of column ii seems to be completely 
different from that of column i. 

630 Beckman: e-ki?-zi. The meaning of u-iz-zi fits better. 

631 Beckman: a-pi-e 1 -\ya' . 

632 Not in Beckman. The construction is comparable to the well-known ki-i ku-it. 



250 Part Two 

12 ta-pdr-ri-ya-u-e-ni EGlR-an-da-an ha-an-da-an-zi [ 



13 
14 
15 
16 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 

28 
29 
30 
31 

32 
33 



A-BU-YA-ya-za kit-it DUMU. r MUNUS ] -Z*/^-Akt fDl U r EN ] -K4 633 mjms tap-ri-ta- [ as 6i4 ' ] -[si 

ti-ya-an har-ta nam-ma me- mi-ya-na x x a-pi-ya-pdt :x [ 

ku-is me-ma-a-i A-NA ^U^-wa-ra-as MUNUS flfa-»i-ft-if e-as-ta [ 

£«-w-wa-«H<a» me-ma-i A-NA ^UGAL-ma-wa-ra-as m}mjs da-ni-ti-is e-es-[du ai 

nam-ma A-BU-YA-mu I-NA KUR UKV Hur-ri an-na- 1 a/W ai UN.MES-as [ 

EGlR-pa pu-nu-us-su-wa-an-zi u-i-ya-at nu me-mi-an a-pu-u-us xf 

U-UL TIL-wV 638 nu ku-it A-BU-YA BA.US INIM DUMU.MUNUS GI& tap-ri-ya-as x[ 

SI x SA-ki-it-ta-rf 39 kat-ta-ma-as U-UL ku-it-ki 

r i r i 

Sal- la-kar -ta-as me-mi-ni a-ri a-pi-e-da-ni me-mi-ni A-NA INIM [ 
x-x- [ ii-ki-mi x-x-wa- [ rc?-[d]t ku-wa- 1 a?-qa a-si INIM MUNUS 640 G& tap-ri-\ya-as 
nu-wa -kan INIM DINGIR-LIM ku-wa-at-qa ku-it-ki za-ah-mi 
nu-za-kdn a-pi-e-da-ni INIM-m se- ir na-ah-sa-ri-ya-an-za 
nu-mu ma-a-an °U EN-YA ZALAG.GA-nu-si na-at-mu l_ U?-iY?^ 641 me-ma-at-t[i 
a-ri-ya-se-es-na-za-ma-at-za U-UL SI x SA-a-mi nu a-pi-e-da-ni-ya 
A-NA °U " amjs da-ni-H-m te-eh-hi 

ma-a-na- an -za-kdn m A- la-li-mi -is ku-wa-pi x x x-a x x x-wa [ 

^ Mu-uk}-kar^ ra^-an x x A-NA °U 1 GU 4 .AB x x [ ]x(-j a-wa-an 1 (-)[ 

ki-e-ma-wa-Mn A-NA ^TU AN-£ BAL- an-za^-kir nu D UTU-SI [ 

^ki^-e-ldia-asA-NA DINGIR.ME§ pi-es-ta nu-^ za-kdn^l\]-Sl [ a\nA °U kis-an IK-RU-UB] 

ma-a-an-wa-mu-za- kan °U :ma- ra-al -f/]/ 642 as- sul -[ 






HUL-lu-wa-mu-kdn a-wa-an ar-ha ti- it-ta -nu- si [ 



r,v t „\„. r«i i 



633 Beckman: ^-A^4 x x-YAl 

Although the trace seems to be more than -as, this can nevertheless be read, as does Beckman, who gives 
[-as-si-ya?, all in restoration. On the analogy of MUNVS tapritassis in A. Archi, "Trono regale e trono 
divinizzato nell' Anatolia ittita", SMEA 1, 1966, 76-120 (p. 80 22 ), where compounds with tapri are mentioned, 
I have here restored the ace. 

635 Beckman: me-mi -x x x x. 

636 Beckman does not have U. 

637 Beckman: [-ta. 

638 The reading T\L-nir = Hitt. zinnir. 

639 Cf. E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 41 for analogous forms 

640 Has DUMU been omitted here from the text? 

641 Suggestion of S. Kosak. 

642 Only here with gloss? Cf. CHD L-N, 181. 



Corpus of Texts 



251 



34 nu- [ kan 1 A-NA ^UMU.KAM-asme-ya-na-asl ]x [ 

35 [ ]x x[ 



36 ma -a-an-wa-mu °U EN- YA \JL-lu a-wa-a[n ar-ha ti-it-ta-nu-si 

37 nu-kdn A-NA °U EN- r K4 ] a-as-su(-)x[ 



38 
39 
40 
41 
42 



r„j 



ma ] -a-an- 1 za ,D U ' EN l -YA x-x -x [ 
ma-a-an- za a-pdt-ta na-as-ma [ 
f kil\u-wa- f kdn -.al-lJ-x [ a3 
A-NA DUMU. r NAM 1 .H).Ui 9 .LU [ 
[ ]xx[ 



Translation KUB 56.19 (Bo 2469) 

1 

No text remains of lines 1-6. 

] you shall [ ] 

I will separately inaugurate [a festival] 



9 
10 

11 
12 

13 
14 



] you shall expel 

] a festival [ ] will I celebrate 



] you shall [ ] and for me these [evil]s 
you shall expel, then] I will celebrate [for you] the festival of the soul? 6 



] You by a substitute 646 [ ] take and do pirga 641 
] you shall [ ], then for you I will celebrate the pirga festival 



1 5 Supposing that you allot me a good campaign (and) support me favourably 



643 Could a form of allalla be read here (Cf. HW 2 , 54 f.)? 

644 Or: think poorly of. 

645 Muwattalahitassi- could be an adjective of Luwian muwattalahit- (cf. DLL, 72). 

646 Is this the abl. of the Part. pr. of nakussiya-1 

647 



The same verb occurs in column ii line 25. 



22 
23 
24 
25 



252 Part Two 

16 then for you I will celebrate the festival of the campaign. 

17 And if also the evils which cling to me, you, o Stormgod, my lord, . . . those 

18 ... then for you I will [cjelebrate separately this festival. 



19 And in view of the fact that I, o Stormgod, my lord, grasped (your) knee, if you, o 
Stormgod, my lord, keep me alive 

20 then for you I will celebrate the festival of the grasping of the knee. 648 



21 And if you, o Stormgod, my lord, cleanse me of the evil then for you I will celebrate a 

clean festival. 



And if [you], o god, my lord, the great evil that clings to me 

and for me you remove completely these evils as well 

[then] for you I will also inaugurate this festival and the house which I [ 

[ ] I will later take and I will place that fo[r the Stormgod]. 



26 And if for me [ ] which the river [ the Stormgod,] my lord, 

27 draws awa[y ] I will celebrate a festival. 

28 Like a bird 649 .. [ ] I seized and if you, 

29 o Stormgod, my lord, keep me alive, a favourable [ ] I will make a statue [for the 
Stormgod], my [lord]. 

30 And for him [I will . . .] a window a festival [ ] and that [ ] I will place. 

3 1 And if you, o Stormgod, my lord, for these words [ 

32 then for you [I] will celebrate the festival of divine justice [ 

33 And if you, o Stormgod, my lord, for these matters? [ 

34 whichever word[s I made] into a prayer to the Stormgod, my lord [ 

35 it became good. All the gods shall designfate (it) and if they 



Gen. sg. is possible in such a construction according to E. Neu, "Studie iiber den Gebrauch von 
Genetivformen auf -was des hethitischen Verbalsubstantivs -war, in: Gs. Kronasser, 1982, 1 16-148 (p. 143). 
649 Reading and translation absolutely uncertain. 



I 

1 



■f.-5 



-Si 



Corpus of Texts 



253 



36 

37 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 
43 
44 



do not ne[gl]ect the matter of my well-being [and you, o Stormgod, my lord, 

take me (away) from all the evil, then for the Stormgod, my lord, they shall 

[The festiv]al of invocation and that for the Stormgod, my lord, [ 

they shall go and [celebra]te it and the Stormgod, my lord, [shall] for thfose matters 

for the Stormgod, my lord, SIN [ 

[ ] for? the life? [ ] it must be [ 

[ ] Regarding the fact that he (is) [lov]ed, if you o Stormgod, my lord, [ ] him to me 

[ ] for me there away and a loaf of bread [ 



45 and [i]f you, Hepat, queen of heaven, my life to [ 

Obv. 2 

1 And they considered it a sin and the cleansing-liquid 650 her [ 

2 and the daughter who is born, shall la[ter 

3 personally come and give 651 , but at which [place] she shall give it, 

4 that I will make the subject of an oracular inquiry and if [ 

5 I will make a sinapsf" 52 and if it is determined (to give) it there [then she shall give it there,] 

6 but if it is determined (to give) it in Qatiya 653 , 

7 then she shall give it in Qatiya. 654 

8 Thus said His Majesty: regarding this matter of Hileidu 655 [ 

9 and when her mother was pregnant, then [ 

1 and [they] shall clean the head of the daughter with a zazzita 

1 1 All the priests shall enter [ 

12 shall we arrange. Later they shall regulate (that). [ 

13 And regarding the fact that my father for the Stormgod, my lord, his daughter as tapritas[si 



650 It is not necessary to assume any confusion here with harnau-, as Beckman does. 

651 The reading mizzi gives the daughter as subject of pai-. In Beckman the mother is the subject. 

652 For literature on this temple-like building, see Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, StBoT 29, 1 13. In addition: 
P. Gentili, "L'edificio sinapsi nei rituali Ittiti", La Columbaria 47, 1982, 3-37. If DU is used to express 
literally "to make", the reference here is to a model of a sinapsi (Beckman: "treat"). 

653 To the best of my knowledge a city hitherto not attested in the texts. 

654 Like -as in 5 and 6, -an must refer to sinapsi, which is taken to be genus C. 

655 A name which does not occur in NH. 



254 



Part Two 



14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 

26 

27 



had thereafter installed 656 , and the happening? precisely there [ 

someone said: "She was a hierodule for the Stormgod". 657 [ 

But someone (else) said: ["Let] her be a hierodule for Sarruma". 658 

Then my father sent me to the land of Hurri 

to question again the people of former days and the matter they have [ 

not brought to an end? 659 and, because my father died, the matter of the tapri- girl 660 

was settled and she concerned herself not at all 

about the matter of that pride. 661 In that matter, with respect to the word I shall [ 

and perhaps that matter of the tapn- woman [ 

and perhaps I will challenge 662 in some respect the word of the divinity 

because I (am) fearful due to that word. 

And if you, o Stormgod, my lord, make me pirga 663 and speak to me about it through a 

dream?, 

and I do not it through an oracle pronouncement then will I also install for that 

Stormgod a hierodule. 



28 
29 
30 
31 

32 
33 
34 



If Alalimi him once [ 

Mukkarra 664 (ace.) to the Stormgod 1 cow [ 

and they offered to the Sungod of heaven and His Majesty [ 

gave [ ] to these gods and His Majesty [made] t[o the Stormgod the following vow: ] 

"If you, o Stormgod, maralli for me the go[od 

and for me you expel completely the evil [ 

then will I for the Stormgod the of the course of the year 665 [ 



' It is not clear where the main clause begins. 



With F. Starke apud J.D. Hawkins, "The 'Autobiography of Ariyahinas's Son': An Edition of the 
Hieroglyphic Luwian Stelae Tell Ahmar 1 and Aleppo 2", AnSt 30, 1980, 139-156 (p. 151). As personal 
name in Beckman. 

My translation is based on the assumption that a problem arose as to which god the daughter was to serve. 
From 27 it appears that, if no solution is found, the father would then install a hierodule for the Stormgod. 
659 Reading very uncertain. 

Cf. CHD L-N, 200 s.v. marsess-. Of all cases which occur, only here is tapri- preceded by olS (see F. 
Pecchioli Daddi, Mestieri..,, 398). 

1 If read correctly, ari would be one of the rare cases in which ari = artari. Katta ar- has a positive 
meaning, in contrast to katta arha ar- as negative expression (cf. E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5, 9.) 

662 Sallakarta- alongside of sallakartatar, as in KUB 15.5 iii 6. 

663 For this form, see N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung. .., 446. 

664 This masculine personal name as in the index to KUB 56. 



Corpus of Texts 



255 



35 



36 "If you, o Stormgod, my lord, expel completefly the evil, 

37 then to the Stormgod, my lord, (a) good [ 



38 
39 
40 
41 

42 



"If the Stormgod, my lord, [ 
if there or [ 

now? [ 

for mankind [ 



KUB 56.20 (Bo 5048)666 



Transliteration KUB 56.20 (Bo 5048) 



1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 



rD UTU-& 1 -za-W l [ 
A-NA DINGIR M[AH 
ma-a -an-kdn [ 



U 



nu A-NA DINGIR-I/M 1 si-' it '-[tar ]x [ 
[ma^J-anJmJ-as-kdn §A r GUSKIN 1 x[ 
[as-su-ul 667 gu\l-as-sa-an-zi A -NA x x[ 



9 
10 



fUTU-Sl-Qdn 66 * ku-wa-pi I-NA URV 'U-us-sa A-NA MUNUS.LUGA[L 
[ ] x x mas-kan BAL ! -af nu-za-kan D UTU-& [kis-an IK-RU-UB] 

[ma-a-an MUNUS.LU]GAL ar-ha SIGs-'w 1 is-par-za-[zi 



[ 



]hi? DUMU-/; SIGs-in nu 1 si- { i?-[tar GUSKTN 669 



Up to the present this is evidently the first text in which MU.KAM-oj meyanas occurs (cf. CHD L-N, 
233). 

666 This text contains vows made to the Mother-goddess of the body of the queen for the pregnancy of and the 
birth of a son to the latter. It is one of the highly rare, extent votive texts in which the vows are made by the 
king. 

667 The restoration is based on KUB 43.55 ii 15 (cf. G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, StBoT 29, 244). 

668 Although little space is available, this is the most plausible restoration. 

669 In F. Sommer, "Aus Hans Ehelolf s Nachlass", ZA 46, 14 and 16, the transliteration of line 10 is 
mentioned, but there is no analogy to this line 10. 



256 



Part Two 



11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 



]x GU 4 -tar GUSKIN 1 UD.ZAL.LE GUSKIN [ 
A-N]A MUNUS.LUGAL 1 UD.ZAL.LE KU.BABBAR 1 ZI GfUSKIN 
]ni-x 1 GU 4 8 r UDU ] ^-A^ °U AN-[£ 
]x[ ]-pi pi-ra-an EGIR-pa u-iz-z\i 

]-za DJNGIR-LUM :ma-al- [ ha ] -as-sa-a[l-la-ah-hi-it 
] kar-ap-zi [ 



I-N]A ^U^us-so 1 DINGIR MAH $A NI.TE MUNUS.LUGAL[ 
-z]i x x ma-a-an-ma-wa-za-kdn EZEN 4 pu-ru-u-[ul-li 

ar-]ha tar-na-ah-hi nu-wa-mu $A ZI [ 
]x x-kdn GIM-a« ar-ha SIG 5 -w is-p[dr-za-zi 
]x-u-ya-as ku-is x x [ 

JDINGIR MAH S[A NI.TE MUNUS.LUGAL 



Translation KUB 56.20 (Bo 5048) 

1 His Majesty [ 

2 to the Mother Godfdess 

3 If[ 

4 then to the goddess 1 solar dis[k 

5 and if it (is) of gold [ 

6 they shall allot [well-being] for [ 



9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 



When [His Majesty] in USSa 670 for the quee[n 

] gave a propitiatory gift, His Majesty [made the following vow:] 
If the que]en comes through this wel[l 

] good for the son, then 1 [golden] solar dis[k 
] a golden statue of an ox, 1 golden day [ 
f]or the queen 1 silver day, 1 gfolden] soul [ 

] .... 1 ox (and) 8 sheep to the Stormgod of heav[en 
] he went in and ou[t 



There would seem to be no connection with KUB 48.118, in which a dream of the queen in U§sa is 
described. 



Corpus of Texts 



257 



15 
16 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 



], o god, the making of an [offering 
] he shall fulfill [ 



i]n Ussa the Mother-goddess of the person of the queen [ 

] and if I shall omit the purulli festival 

] and for me of the soul [ 

] and if she comes through this we[ll 

] which .... [ 

] the Mother-goddess o[f the person of the queen. 



KUB 56.21 (Bo 4298) 



Transliteration KUB 56.21 (Bo 4298) 



V 

T 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

T 
8' 
9' 
10' 



]-W-an-[ 

ri\a-at ma-a-an x[ 

-si-y]a hu-ut-la u-nu-[wa-an(-) 

]x DTNGlR-LUM-ya-za EN-YA [ 
\-an-za-pdt pi-ra-an EGIR-[pa 
]x-taI-NAE-YAa[r- 



JA^-NA D UTU-5/TI-an-n/(-)[ 
flGf.HI.A SlG 5 -ah-z[i 
]x 671 u-nu-wa-a[n(-) 
]pi-ih-hi [ 



IV 



]xx[ 



Translation KUB 56.21 (Bo 4298) 

1' [ ].-[ 

2' [ an]difit[ 



671 If LA is read, this construction is then the same as that in line 3' and in KUB 56.16 line 7' 



258 



Part Two 



3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

T 
8' 
9' 
10' 



] hutla decoratfed 
] and you, o god, my lord, [ 

] precisely before (and) behin[d 

] in my house [ 



] for His Majesty for (his) life [ 
] he will heal (his) eyes [ 

] decorat[ed 

] I will give [ 



11' [ 



KUB 56.22 (Bo 4594) 



Transliteration KUB 56.22 (Bo 4594) 

1' [ M 

2' [ ]GU 4 UDU r foj-r W -w 1 [ 



3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 
10' 



[tsyTUM^TU-SI I-NA ^XS-m-Sia I-MUR nu-wa-mu IJ-it D ISTAR me-mi-is-ki-iz-zf 2 ] 
[KUR ^Mi-iz-ri-wa-at-ta™ pi-i[h-hil 
\zi\hi-ma-wa-mu-za I-NA fuRul [ 



[ ]-pdt SA U-TI-pdt IQ-BSJ 

[ ] Ku-pa-pa-as ma-a-an-wa-a[s 

[ ]x- [ izlzi A-NA IGI.HI.A rDl [UTU-& 



[ k]u-wa-pi I-NA [vm \ 

[ ]x x x[ 



The opening sentence is comparable to KUB 15.30 iii 8', KUB 48.121 i, KUB 48.125 ii 2' and (also with 
USSa) KUB 48.1 18:1. 

673 If the restoration at the beginning of this line is correct and if neither INA nor §A should be restored (for 
which there is little space) because of [zi] in line 5'), then it would constitute a highly remarkable vow. The 
change of person (he, me) is based on the -wa-mu restoration. 



Corpus of Texts 



259 



Translation KUB 56.22 (Bo 4594) 

1' [ 

2' [ ] oxen (and) sheep already [ 



3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



[Dr]eam of His Majesty. In U§§[a he saw (a dream) and through a dream I§tar spoke to 

me:] 

"I will give? you [the land] of Mizri 674 [ 

For me, however, in (the city of) [ you must 

[ ] precisely in a dream spoke [she 

[ ]Kubaba. If[ 

[ ] for the eyes of Hi[s Majesty 



9' [ ] when in (the city of) [ 
10' [ 



KUB 56.23 (Bo 5031)675 
Transliteration KUB 56.23 (Bo 5031) 

Obv. 

1 \U-TUM MUNUS.LUGAL ] x [ ]x[ ] INA ^ Sa-ah-ha-ni^-ya a-us-ta 676 DINGIR.MAH- 
as-si-y[a(-) 

2 [ \J-i]t me-mi-is-ta nuha-kan^ MUNUS.LUGAL A-NA DiNGIR.MAH <xm}> [Sa]-ah-ha-ni-ya 611 
kis-an I[K-RU-UB ma-a-an SA] 

3 [VrU-l-fr IGI.HI.A ik-nu-si DUMU.NITA ! -ya-mu DUMU.MUNUS.MES ku-i-e-es e-es- 
ta m na-[at 



: r« J 



GlSTr 



>i t> a r j„oi z.„7 _.• r,,j 



4 [EGI]R? ma-is-zi-ya-asl sa '-x nu-za DINGIR-LC/Ar IN ZAG.GAR'.RA an- 1 dal ' hal-zi- [ ya '-[mi 



674 For this extraordinary vow, see note to transliteration. 

675 Only the worst damages are indicated. 

676 The direct object is probably IJ-an, which would have to be restored somewhere in this line. 

677 The choice of <URU> is prompted by the limited amount of space available. 

678 Although the sign TA on the copy, grammatically esir is required here, if a form of es- = "to be" is 
intended. 



260 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 
18 
19 



[ 



Part Two 
]-ru-us NA, GAR.RA DU-mi Gl& ku-ra-ak-ki-na-at-ta iS-TU KU.BABBAR h[a-li-is- 



si-ya-mi 

[ GI&] ZAG.GAK.RA-ya-at-ta IS-TU KU.BABBAR ha-li-is-si-ya-mi DUMU.NITA.ME§-j>a [ 

[DU]-/w na-as-ma-as-kan hu-u-ma-an-da-as SISKUR .HI. A an-da-an DU-w; [ 

[G]I ku-ra-ak-ki-ya-at-ta sa-ra-a e?-x-x [ 

r EGIRV<3 GlBlL-ah-mf 19 x x °U? x x m -ya-as-sa [ 

D UMMEDA v Kat-ta-ra-la-as D Ta-ru-um-ma-as DTNGJR-LUM [ 

na-at ma-a-an ha-li-is-su-u-wa-an-zi SI x SA-an-ta-r[i 

^Si-ya-at-ta 6 * 1 BAD 20 ANSE-ma? 3 ME NAM.RA a-se-s[a-nu-mi 

ku-in-tdk-kdn x-pi-wal-x [ dd]m-ma-a-is-kdn-zi [ 

[ ]xlS-TU KU.BABBAR GUSKIN AN.B AR URUDU ZABAR si?-[ 

[ -ya]-at-ta wa-ar-hu-u(-)x ALAM MUNUS.LUGAL x[ 

[ ]-a kar-pa-an-zi [ 



[ 



[ 



]GASAN-X4 x-x-ya-an EGIR-/W [ 
]-ma TI ^UTU-Sl si-[ 
]x[ 



Translation KUB 56.23 (Bo 5031) 

1 [Dream of the queen.] In Sahhaniya she saw [a dream.] 
The Mother-goddess [ ] 

2 spoke to her [through a drea]m. And the queen made to the Mother-goddess of 
[Sa]hhaniya 683 the follofwing vow. If you ] 

3 make cold? 684 the eyes of [His Majes]ty and for me your son 
The daughters who were 685 there. [ 

4 686 , then I will invoke the goddess on an offering-table [ 



679 The ending -mi is remarkable. Cf. N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung. .., 455 . 

680 The reading is obscure because of serious damage. 

681 The place name accords with the index to KUB 56. Another possibility is URU-LIM-ya-at-ta. 

682 The last sign is not -/ or -in. 

683 This goddess also occurs in a prayer of Muwatalli: KUB 6.45+ ii 30. 

684 As far as I can ascertain, the verb iknu- does not occur in any of the published texts, hence the meaning 
attributed to it here is based purely on affiliation with the stem of ekan- = ice. 

685 The text contains "was", not the proper grammatical form "were". 

686 The text at the beginning of this line is incomprehensible. 



Corpus of Texts 



261 



5 [ ....] (pi.) inlaid with stone I will make (and) shall I not 687 m[ounf] in silver a column 

6 and shall I mount the offering-table in silver for you? 688 My sons [ 

7 I will [make], or for all of them I will give offerings therein [ 

8 and for you [I will erect?] a column 

9 I will renew [ 

10 (The gods) Ummeda, Kattarala (and) Tarumma, o goddess [ 

1 1 and if it is determined to mount those (in metal) [ 

12 (In) Siyatta 689 [I] will (build) a surrounding wall (and) settle (there) 300 civilian 

prisoners [ 

13 Whom (sg.) for you one shall suppress [ 

14 [ ] with silver, gold, iron, copper (and) bronze [ 

15 [ ] and for you? a rough? statue of the queen [ 

16 [ ] one shall fulfill. 



17 [ ] my lady again [ 

18 [ ] the life of His Majesty [ 

19 [ 



KUB 56.24 (Bo 5072) 



Transliteration KUB 56.24 (Bo 5072) 



Obv. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



] 



]x- zi a-pi-x [ 
x[ 



3' 
4' 



GA]M a-ri-ya-u-en nu-mu k[i- 
p\il-an-na SI x SA-at ar-ku-wa-[arl 



687 If correctly translated, this is the rather rare phonetic spelling. The position of 0I kurakki after D\]-mi is 
strange if a new sentence begins with na-at-ta meaning "and for you . . .". 

688 The structure of the entire passage is obscure. The interrogative sentences could equally be confirmative 
sentences. 

689 The translation of the text as indicated in note to the transliteration would read: "and for the city [I] will 
for you", etc. 



262 Part Two 

5' [ nu sar-ni-i]k-zi-el GAM a-ri-ya-u-en nu x[ 

6' [ GUS]KIN A-NA ^UTU-SI Zl-za da-an-n[a SI x SA-at 

T [ GA]M a-ri-ya-u-en nu 1 GU 4 14 UDU SI x S[A-at 

8' \ar-ka]m-ma-an GAM a-ri-ya-u-en nu ar-kam-ma-a\n-ni GAM-a« 

9' r 10 ] GIN KU.BABBAR 10 GIN GUSKIN 2 GIN URUDU 1 1 GI[N 

10' MU.KAM-Zz SUM-an-na SI x SA-at [ 

1 1 ' ar-kam-ma-ni 690 GAM-an 1 GU 4 8 UDU MU.KAM-/* pi-[an-na SI x SA-at] 

12' EZEN 4 dam-me-lis-sa 1 GU 4 8 UDU MU. KAM-lipi-an-na S[I xSA-at] 

13' m Ul-mi- I> U-up-as-sa A-NA °UTU URV TUL-na ar-kam-m[a-an-ni 

14' MU.KAM-// 1 «-//-tor GUSKIN &4 3 GIN 1 si-it-tar Ku/BABBAR 1 [SA x GIN 

15' 1 si-it-tar URUDU SA 1 MA.NA 1 GU 4 3 UDU pi-ya-cm-[na SI x SA-at] 



Rev. 
1 

2 



^UTU-SI-ya-za-kdn A-NA ^TJTU URU TUL-«a-/wa 
ar-ha gdn-ga-at-ta-ri a-ri-an-zf 91 ku-us-sa-a[n 



°UJU URU TUL-na-ja ku-wa-pi UGU da-a-ir nu-wa-za UN [ 

SA °UTU rau T0L-ija KU.BABBAR GU§KIN me-ik-ki da-i-es-ki-it 692 [ 

a-ri-ya-u-en INIM m Pal-la-a-an-za li-in-ga-nu- e -[enl 

NI.ZU-w[a U-U]L sa-ak-di nu-wa-ra-as sa-ku-w[a-u-e-nil 

ka-ru-u [ 

*A-NAf? E F &4 ^TU ^TUL^na A-NA ERIN.ME§ fuRul Kur-ri-is-s[a 
[ ]x-a/xxx BI-IB-RU lu-ul-la-i-ya-ma-as h[al- 



' This form is to be found in E. Neu, Der Anitta-Text, StBoT 18, 123 295 . 
This form occurs in only two other passages. Cf. HW 2 , 290. 
: This form was considered unusual by N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung. . ., 323. 



10 
11 



Corpus of Texts 

f mai-kdn-na 1 ZA/HUM 1 GUSKIN 5 GIN 1 ZA.HUM KU.BABBAR 5 GIN [ 
ka-ru-u SUM-an 



263 



12 
13 
14 
15 



[ IJNIM SA D UTU ^"TUL-nfl UM-MA °UTU "^TUL-wa [ 
[ ]x-u-wa-za ga-ni-na-an-da-za GIS-RU-az am-mu-uk [ 
te -eh-hi a-pdd-da-ya-wa-at-ta HUL- u-wa -x[ 



^itf-TU ZI DINGIR-I/MEGIR-i3a SlG 5 -ah-mi [ 



16 [ ]x a-ri-ya-u-en nu A-NA VrU mu TUL-Ha [ 

17 [ ]-sar IK-RI-BU-YA SI x SA-at ar-k[u-wa- 

18 [ ]-ma ti-wa-ta-as-sa KU.BABBAR r 5 ] GI[N 

19 [ ]x SI x SA- r a? ti-wa-ta\as-sa 



Translation KUB 56.24 (Bo 5072) 

Obv. 
1' 

2' 



3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 



] we made a further oracular inquiry and for me [ 
] was determined to give. A pray[er 



and concerning the comjpensation we made a further oracular inquiry and [ 



it was determined] for His Majesty to take to heart the go[ld' 



693 



T 



[ ] we made a further oracular inquiry and 1 ox and 14 sheep were determifned.] 



9' 
10' 



We made the [tribu]te the subject of a further oracular inquiry and as tribu[te 
to give yearly 10 sekels of silver, 2 sekels of copper (and) 1 1 sek[els 
was determined. 



11 ' As tribute yearly 1 ox and 8 sheep to [give was determined.] 



1 Or: a golden [ ]. 



264 Part Two 

12' And another festival and yearly 1 ox and 8 sheep to give was determined.] 

1 3 ' And that as trib[ute] to the Sungoddess of Arinna Ulmi-Tesup 

14' yearly 1 golden solar disc of 3 sekels (and) 1 silver solar disc [of . . . sekels 

15' 1 copper solar disc of 1 mina, (and) 1 ox (and) 3 sheep to gi[ve was determined.] 



Rev. 

1 And to the Sungoddess of Arinna His Majesty is [ 

2 "weighed". 694 They shall make an oracular inquiry. The w[age 

3 And when they brought up 695 the Sungoddess of Arinna, the man took [ 

4 for himself silver (and) gold of the Sungoddess of Arinna in great quantities [ 

5 We made an oracular inquiry (and) we placed under [oath] 696 the pronouncements of 
Pallanza [ 

6 "Do you [no]t know the thieves? We shall ca[ll] 697 them to account." 

7 Already (done). 



9 
10 
11 



For? the temple of the Sungoddess of Arinna, for groups (of people) of (the city of) 
Kurri§§[a 698 

[ ] a rhyton (in the form) of a stag 699 [ 

a propitiatory gift 1 golden ewer of 5 Sekels (and) 1 silver ewer of 5 sekels [ 
Already given. 



12 [ The] matter of the Sungoddess of Arinna. Thus (said) the Sungoddess of Arinna [ 

13 [ ] with a bent piece of wood I [ 



694 The literal translation of this form given in N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung..., 136 : "es wird gehangt" 
would be unsuitable here. Passive forms ofgank- do not occur in E. Neu, Interpretation..., StBoT 5. 

695 From Tarhunta§Sa to Hattusa? The meaning "to carry off as booty" would seem less appropriate here. 

696 This could be followed by: "and we questioned him". 

697 For this meaning see H.G. Guterbock, "Noch einmal die Formel parnassea suwaizzi", Or. 52, 1983, 73-80 
(p. 78 ff.). 

698 This city is not mentioned in RGTC 6. 

699 This rhyton is mentioned in S. Alp, Beitrage zur Erforschung des hethitischen Tempels. Kultanlagen im 
Lichte der Keilschrifttexte, neue Deutungen, 1983, 125 158 . Must be removed as place name from the index to 
KUB 56, p. X. No such rhyton in O. Carruba, "Rhyta. . .", Kadmos 6, 88 ff. 



Corpus of Texts 



265 



14 
15 

16 
17 
18 
19 



I will place and by that for you the evil [ 

I will restore according to the will of the goddess [ 



[ ] we made an oracular inquiry and to the Sungoddess of Arinna [ 

[ ] my vow was determined [ 

[ ] and a silver tiwatassa 700 of 5 §ek[els 

[ ] was determined. The tiwata[ssa 



KUB 56.25 (Bo 5 142) 701 

Transliteration KUB 56.25 (Bo 5142) 

Rev.? 3 

9' ma-a-an-na{-) x [ 

10' EGIR-a« a[r-hal 
1 1 ' nu-za D x[ 



12' 


A-NA[ 


13' 


1 s[i-it-tarl 


14' 


1 s[i-it-tar? 



Rev.? 4 



1' [ 

2' [ 

ru-us-na 

y [ 



]HI-IT-TI rANSE^GURt.RA.MtES 

]x nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL A-NA rDl702 [ 



-irimu1^_ 



DINGIR-I£/ME]N-K4 Tl-nu-sf 



700 The stem of this unidentified object resembles the Luwian verbal form tiwatanissa. 

701 For a join of this text with KUB 60.1 18, see D. Groddek, Hethitische Texte in Transkription. KUB 60, 
DBH20,2006, 115-117. 

702 Although unusual before Arusna, the space between DINGIR and URU admits of a specific divine name 
and not merely DINGIR-I/Mor -LUM. Cf. RGTC 6, 41 . 

703 A restoration based on comparable passages gives rise to problems. Since here the queen probably makes 
a vow on behalf of the king (cf. line 4'), any restoration like kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-wa-mu DINGIR- 



A-NA' 



266 

4' 

5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 

14' 
15' 



Translation KUB 56.25 (Bo 5142) 

Rev. 3 

9' And if [ 

10' again? [ 

11' and...[ 



Part Two 

]A-NA D UTU-57 a-wa-an ar-ha 
A-NA DINGIR-ZJM] EN-K4 an-da tu-ri-ya-an KU.BABBAR 
vm A-ru-u]s-na pi-ih-hi 
]-hi 



]SA KASKAL-A7 ki-e-da-ni-pdt INIM-w se-ir 

] 



ki-e-d\a-ni-pdt INIM-w se-ir 
an-da tu-ri-]ya-an KU.BABBAR 

] VKV La-wa-za-an-ti-ya 

1-/2/ 



X x [ ]x 

] X X 



12' 
13' 
14' 



To[ 

1 sol[ar disc? 

1 sol[ar disc? 



Rev. 4 

1' [ ] the loss of horse[s 

2' [ ] The queen to [ ] of Arusna 

3' [ ] you [o god], my lord, keep alive 

4' [ ] completely away for (the sake of) His Majesty 



LUME]~N-YA Tl-nu-si (KUB 15.1 ii 2 f.) is impossible. In analogous vows made by the queen on behalf of 
the king (KUB 15.1 i 5 and 21 ) the object of Tl-nu (= ^UTU-Sl) is placed directly in front. 



H 

J 

"Hi 

1 

i 

1 

"ill 



m 



i 



5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 

14' 
15' 



Corpus of Texts 

for the god], my lord, a silver pair? 704 

] I will give [to of Aru]sna 

] I will [ ] 



267 



] of the campaign, for the sake of precisely this matter 
] 



] for the sake of precisely [thi]s matter 
] a silver pa[ir ] 
| (the city of) Lawazantiya 
] I will 



KUB 56.26 (Bo 8392) 



Transliteration KUB 56.26 (Bo 8392) 



1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



]x[ 
]xx[ 
]x-pi x-mi 



]xy4-i\^ D E. r A 1 [ 



r„j. 



kis-an I\K-RU-UB ma-a-an- na ha-[ 
}nuSA D UTU-&Au-e-[ 
A-NA] DINGIR.MES ku-e-da-ni x[ 
] x x x NA4 Z[I.KIN 

] X X X [ 

]x[ 



704 Literally harnessed. The translation of this word is based on the inference, drawn from the loss of horses 
(line 1 ') during a campaign (line 8'), that the gift is a silver pair of horses. 



268 Part Two 

Translation KUB 56.26 (Bo 8392) 

l'-3' [ Translation impossible. 



4' 




[ ] to E[a 


5' 




[ ] made a vow: If [ 


6' 




[ ] and for which of His Maj esty, [ 


7' 




[ ] for which for the gods [ 


8' 




[ ] a ste[le 


9'- 


10' 


Translation impossible. 



KUB 56.27 (Bo 5150) 

Transliteration KUB 56.27 (Bo 5150) 

V 

2' 



] [ 

pi-jih-hi 1 [ 



3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 



]x ™ u TU[L-«a] x 

D ]UTU-^[7 ] §A rGlS ZAG! GAR.RA 
] x x [ ]-yax[ 

]KASKAL KUR ^Ar-za-u-wa Usl-ta^-ma-as-ti 
fUYU-SlINA ^Wa-li-wa-an^da 1 ar-ah-hi 
]x-ma-an-zi U-UL KAR-an-z/ 
]x ku-is e-es-zi 
] xpi-ih-hi Sl-ma ku-it NAt GAR.RA 
] xx xpi-ih-hi 



Edge 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 

4' [ 



]x 

]-lu-ti 

]x 

] x da-ni-nu-mi 



Corpus of Texts 



269 



5' 


[ 


] x-ma-as 


6' 


[ 


]x 


T 


[ 


] ^TUL-rca 


14' 


[ 


\-ma-mi 


Translation KUB 56.27 (Bo 5150) 


V 




] 


V 




] I will [g]ive [ 


V 




] Arifnna 


4' 

5' 




]HisMajest[y ] of the offering-table 


6' 




] you learn of the campaign to the land of Arzawa 


7' 




] will I, My Majesty, reach Waliwanda 


8' 




] they shall not find. 


9' 




] who is (there) 


10' 




] will I give and a horn that is inlaid with stone 


11' 




] will I give. 



The text at the edge cannot be translated. All that can be read is "I will regulate" in line 4' 
and "Arinna" in line 7'. 



KUB 56.28 (Bo 5153) 



Transliteration KUB 56.28 (Bo 5153) 



Obv. 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



] X X X [ 

]xpi-ra-an [ 

u]p-pi-ya-as GUSKIN r KllLA[.BI NU.GAL 705 



'R. Lebrun, Samuha..., 211 f. does not contain the lines Obv. l'-3\ 6', 10', 11' and Rev. l'-4', 9', 23'-27' 



270 

4' [ 



Part Two 
D]U-mi ma-a-an SA GUSKIN [ma-a-an SA KU.BABBAR 



5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

Rev. 

1' 
2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 



1> mv U-ri-k[i-na 



j^lSTAR mv Sa-mu-ha <INA~ 

]x-at 106 nu-za-kdn [MUNUSJ.LUGAL A-NA D lS[TAR VRV Sa-mu-ha 
kis-an IK-RU-UB m\a-a-an-mu-kdn falNGIRUc/MGASAN-K* x[ 

]IGI D UTU-57 :ti-ti-tiW [ 

]x WG har-si-ya-al-li x[ 

]-ku-us UD.KJM-sar Ua-a?-x[ 

](-)UD-ti ma har-si-ya-a[l-li 



] x[ 

] x x x(-)kuml-[ 

-s]a?-ma-li-in KU. r BABBAR ANA Dl I$[TAR 

] DU-mi 



\U-TUM MUNUS.LUGAL z]a-as-hi-ya-wa-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL INA miJ A-na-si-p[a m 
] LUGAL KUR OTL ] I-su-wa INA mv Ki-iz-zu-wa-at-na 
] a -pi-e-da-ni ma-al-za-ki-mi 

ma-a-an DINGIR-Z £/MGA]S AN- Z4,4-M4 m Du-ut-ha-li-ya 

\pi-ra-an hu-i-u-y]a-si KUR.ME§ LU KUR-i/ pa-ra-a \p]i-es-ti 

]x-as-za KUR.KUR.ME§ ^"KUR 1 NIM.LAL-os :tu-u-wa-an-ta-an-za 
n]u A-NA DINGIR-UM Uu-u-wa-an-ta-an-za KU.BABBAR 
] x :hi-el-wa-ti-in GUSKIN KI.LA.BI NU.GAL DV-mi 



ma-a-an DINGIR-Zt/MGA§AN]-Z4 A-NA L °KUR.ME§ E-DA-NU tar-na-at-ti 

m Du-ut-ha-li-y]a-as-kdn SU-r da-it-ti 
nu A-NA DJNGIR-LIM 1 E-D]A-NU KU.BABBAR MUSEN 7708 GU§KIN KI.LA.BI NU.GAL 
SUM-hi 



706 The traces render SI x SA impossible. 

707 In KUB 16.71 8' (CTH 582) this city occurs in the same spelling. 

708 Although the sign is not a correctly written MU§EN. 



Corpus of Texts 



271 



16' [ma-a-an DINGIR-ZC/MGA§AN-y^f A-NA Ltl KUR.HI.A SE-E-TUM tar-na-at-ti 

17' [ .M]ES IS-TU SE-E- TI GYM-an 

18' [ -a]s-kdn G AS AN-YA A-NA m Du-ut-ha-li-y[a] 

19' [pi-ra-an hu-u-i-ya-si nu A-NA] DINGIR-LIM SE-E-TUM KU.BABBAR 

20' [ ] SUM-hi 



21' 

22' 
23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 
27' 
28' 



GA§AN]-K4 r SA GlS1 KIRI 6 
-n]u-um-ma-as kis-an IK-RU- UB 



A-NA m ]Du-ut-ha-li-ya r GIM ] -a« 

p\i-ra-an hu-u-wa-a-si\ 
pi-ra-d\n hu-u-i-ya-an-za 
] \pi-ha-at-ti x[ 
]x-si x x [ 
] x [ 



Translation KUB 56.28 (Bo 5153) 

1' [ 

2' [ ] before [ 

3' [ ] golden [ u]ppiya-s of unspecified weight 

4' [ will] I make either of gold [or of silver 

5 ' [ ] IStar of Samuha <in> Urik[ina 

6' [ ] ... and the [qu]een [made] to Is[tar of Samuha the following vow: 

7' [I]f you, o goddess, my lady, for me [ 

8' [ ] ... His Majesty the nose (ace.) [ 

9' [ ] a storage vessel [ 

10' [ ] .... daily [with?] tongs? 709 [ 

11 ' [ ] on [ ] day 710 a storage [vessel 



Rev. 

1' 



The only word written as la-ap-pa is the metal object translated as "tongs (?)" in CHD L-N, 40. 
' UD-ri could be preceded by, for example, a demonstrative pronoun. 



272 



Part Two 



2' 
3' 
4' 



t 



] a silver [ -\mali for I§[tar 
] will I make. 



5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 



[Dream of the queen.] In a dream [ ] the queen in Ana§ip[a 

[ ] The king of the land of Isuwa, in Kizzuwatna 

[ ] I will make vows to that one 712 

["If you, o goddess] my lady, to Tuthaliya 713 

[show suppo]rt and deliver to him 714 the lands of the enemy 

[ ] the lands of the enemy like beehives 

[ th]en for the goddess I will make silver hives? 

[ (and)] a golden helwati of unspecified weight. 



13' [If you, o goddess], my [lady], impose a period on the enemies 

14' [ (to) Tuthali]ya do hand 

15' [then to the goddess I will give 1 sil]ver period (and) a golden bird? of unspecified weight. 

16' [If you, o goddess, my lad]y, spread a net for the enemy 

17' [ ] as with a net 

18' [ you], my lady, to Tuthaliya 

19' [show support, then to] the goddess I will give a silver net 

20' [ ]. 



21' [ 

22' [ 

23' [ 

24' [ 

25' [ 



] my [lad]y in a garden 

] made the following vow: 

to] Tuthaliya as 
] you show support 
s]howing support 



711 Since -ma is directly preceded by a sign resembling SA or TA, the subst. mali = "thought, idea" is 
impossible here. 

712 For apedani used as substantive, see HW 2 , 141. 

713 The mention of His Majesty in Obv. 8 and of Tuthaliya here indicates that the text dates from the period 
before Tuthaliya was king. 

714 Cf. E. Neu, "Hethitisch kurur und takiul in syntaktischer Sicht", in: Fs. Meriggi II, 1979, 407-427 



(p.416 16 ). 



Corpus of Texts 



273 



26' [ ]pihatti 

27'-28' Translation impossible. 



KUB 56.29 (Bo 1958) 

Transliteration KUB 56.29 (Bo 1958) 
Obv. 



1' 

2' 



[ 



] x Tl-n[u-si 
] x x na-at mi- -i -[ 



3' 
4' 



-]at-ta da-as-si?-un UD?[ 
ki-e-d\a-ni ITU.KAM-mr UL sa-ak-nu-[wa-an 



5' 
6' 

7' 



]x 715 GUSKIN DUMU-K4 DIS-mi 
]hu-u-ma-an-ta-as A-NA DrNGIRMAH[ 
]GU§KIN DU-/W na-as GAB ?7I6 -za x[ 



Edge 



9' 



hf!]-in- ik-ta ma-a-an-mu-k\an 

] x x A-NA DINGIR-Z/MSISKUR x[ 



Rev. 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 



]nu-wa IJ-it m Ta-ti-BTNGlR-LI[M 
}-zi A-NA [ ].ME§? x-YA/ya [ 
a7]-pi-e-wa am-me-el ku -e x [ 
a]m-mu-uk-wa-kan ki-i A-N[A 
m\a-a-an-kdn DINGIR-Z/M x [ 



' The trace precludes the reading ALAM. 
' The reading GAB is very tentative. 



274 Part Two 

15' [ ] x x [ 

Translation KUB 56.29 (Bo 1958) 



Corpus of Texts 



275 



Obv. 

1' [ 

2' [ 



3' 

4' 

5' 
6' 

7' 



Edge 



9' 



Rev. 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 



[ 



] You keep ali[ve 
] and those (ace. pi.) ... 



■•[ 



] for you an important (ace.) [ 

in th]at month an unclea[n .... 



[ ] I will make a golden [ ] (of)? my son 

[ ] for all [ ] to the Mother-goddess [ 

[ ] I will make a golden [ ] and he [ ] with the breast? [ 



gra]nted? him. If for me [ 
] an offering to the goddess [ 



] and through a dream .... Talil[i 
]to....[ 

] and those (things) of mine, which [ 

] I these (things) t[o 

i]f (you), o divinity, [ 



KUB 56.30 (Bo 5945) 
Transliteration KUB 56.30 (Bo 5945) 
Obv. 



2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 



16' 

17' 



19' 
20' 
21' 

22' 

23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 



[ 
[ 

LU- 
LU 



]A-NA D [ 
lGXJ^S^UDUpa-a-ii 
^DUB.SAR L£r DUB. r SAR ] .[GI§ 
-'SA.TAM Lis GlS BAN§U[R 



ta-ma-as-zi na-[ 
GIM-an-ma-kdn k[f- 
na-an-za-an hal-z[i-ih-hil 
A-NA DTNGIR-LIM-ya-an-x[ 
ar-ha-kdn ga'-nu-[ 
1 RI-IT-TUM GXJ&KIN { 



12' A-NA DINGLR GAL ki-e-d[a-ni-pdt INIM-«i se-ir m 
13' na-an I-NA UD.8.KAM x[ 



14' A-NA D BA-A-BU k[i-e-da-ni-pdt INIM-w se-ir 
15' 1GU 4 [ 



A-NA fDl [ 
ki-e-da-as [ 



]x-ya- 



18' AMA XJBUR™-ya-za x [ 



A-NA ^IN/GAL 1 ki-e-d[a-ni-pdt TNlM-ni se-ir 4i6 
^STU-SllS-TU 1 ME MA.N[A KU.BABBAR 



rrvTTi 



1 ^/-/r-rt/M'KU'.BABBAR 5 MA.'NA 1 [ 1 RI-IT-TUM 



l\.T A 1 I 



A-NA DLNGIR-I/M 



pi-ih-hi [ 



A-NA ^SINki-e-da^m^-pdt INTM-n[( se-ir 
D UTU-& iS-TU 1 ME MA.NA K[U.BABBAR 



fori 



1 RI-IT-TUM KU.BABBAR 5 MA.NA 1 ' RI l -[IT-TUM 
A-NA DINGIR-ZJM \pi-ih-hi 



V 



[ 



] x[ 



This restoration is based on line 23'. Idem for line 14'. 

Cf. H.G. Guterbock, "Einige seltene oder schwierige Ideogramme in der Keilschrift von Bogazkdy", in: 
Fs. H. Otten, 1973, 71-88 (p. 78). 



276 



Part Two 



27' f MUNUS\uJG AL-za-kdn A-NA [ 
28' ma-a-an GAL ME-S[E-DI 
29' nu ku-e{-) [ 



Rev. 

1 ' [ma-a-an 

2' [ 



pi-ra-d\n hu-u- i -\ya-si 
] DINGIR-I/M x-an-ta^-za a-as-su [ 



3 ' [ku-un-z\i-kdri l -na-hi-sa ' [/? ' U-NU-TI-[ 



4' [^-A 7 ]^ d LUGAL-/k<3 mv U-ri-ki-na x[ 

5' 1 ^-/r-rt/MGUSKIN DU-mi W [ 

6' ^^GAB^-i pa-as-ga-ah-hi [ 

T A-NA DINGIR-I/M r SISKUR hu?-ri-ya-x\ 



8 ' A-NA D LUGAL-ma mv Az[- 

9' ki-e-da-ni-pdt ENIM-«[/ se-ir 



10' [ 

1 1 ' ku-un -[zi-kdn-n]a-an[(-) 



fURUlr 



12' ,4-J\M D LU[GAL-m]a ' TOU '[ 
13' ku-un-zi- kdn-na-[hi-sa 



14' MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fcw ,4-A^ [ 

15' ma-a-an m Du-ut-ha-l[i-y a 

16' ku-e-da-ni KASKAL-j/ [ 

17' hu-u-i-ya-si nu [ 

18' na-an-za-anBAL-an-z[a-ki-mi 

19' nu-us-si ta-ma-i[nl 



kis-an IK-RU-UB] 



pi-ra-an] 



20' ^-AC4 D VS7M7? MUL ki-[e-da-ni-pdt INIM-m le-ir 



719 The spelling -fcin- instead of -ga-an- is remarkable, since -ga-an- occurs five times in KBo 17.65 Obv. 32, 
35, Rev. 41, 42, 44 (cf. G.M. Beckman, iflffz'te £;'rt/j .Rftwa/s, StBoT 29, 131 ff.). 



Corpus of Texts 



277 



21' 

22' 
23' 
24' 



ma-a-an m Du-ut-ha- H-\ya- 
nu SA MUNUS.LUGAL ku-x 720 -[ 
na-an-za-an BAL-an-za-k[i-mi 
nu-uS-si ta-ma-i[n 



Translation KUB 56.30 (Bo 5945) 

1' [ 

2' [ ] to (the divinity) [ 

3' [ 1 o]x (and) 8 sheep [he] shall give [ 

4' a scribe, a scribe [on wood 

5' a treasurer, a table-servan[t 

6' he shall suppress and [ 

7' And as [ 

8' him I will invo[ke? 

9' and to the divinity [ 

10' away [ 

11' 1 golden hand 721 [ 



12' To the great god [because of precisely] thi[s matter 
13' and him (ace.) .... on the eighth day [ 



14' To (the god) Babu [because precisely of this matter 
15' 1 ox [ 



16' To (the divinity) [ 

17' for these (pi.) [ 

18' A motherbreast [ 



19' To Ningal 722 [because of precisely] thi[s matter 



The trace does not suggest -e- 
Meaning as in AHw II, 990. 



278 



Part Two 



20' His Majesty with 100 mi[nas of silver 

21' 1 silver hand of 5 minas [, 1 hand 

22' I will give to the goddess [ 



23' To SIN .... [because of] precisely this matter | 

24' His Majesty with 100 minas of s[ilver 

25' 1 silver hand of 5 minas, 1 ha[nd 

26' To the god [I will give] 



27' The queen to [ 

28 ' If the chief of the bodyg[uard 

29' and which [ 

Rev. 

1' [If you s]how suppo[rt 

2' [ ] o divinity, good [ 

3' [ kunz]ikannahi 123 (pi.) and implements [ 



4' [Fo]r Sarruma of Urikina [ 

5' I will make 1 golden hand and [ 

6' I will place on the breast [ 

7' an offering for the god [ 



9' 



For Sarruma of Az-[ 724 

[because of] precisely this matter [ 



10' 
11' 



[ 
kun[zikann]an [ 



722 In KUB 15.3 vows are made to Ningal and SIN in Kummanni, in Kizzuwatna. Cf. F. Imparati, "Une reine 
de Hatti venere la deesse Ningal", in: Fs. E. Laroche, 169-176. 

723 According to G.M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals, StBoT 29, 129-131, this is a cleansing substance. The 
same substance occurs in lines 1 1 ' and 13' of this same column, though spelt differently in line 11'. 

724 According to RGTC 6, the only possibilities are Azzi and (less likely?) AzpiSna. 



Corpus of Texts 



279 



12' For §a[rruma] of (the city of) [ 
13' kunzikanna[hi (pi.) 



14' 
15' 
16' 
17' 
18' 
19' 

20' 
21' 

22' 
23' 
24' 



The queen [made] to [ 
If you Tuthal[iya 
on which campaign [ 
you show support and [ 
then I will offer him (ace.) [ 
and for him an othe[r (ace.) 



the following vow:] 



For Istar the star bec[ause of precisely this matter 

IfTuthali[ya 

and of the queen [ 

Then him (ace.) will [I] offer [ 

and for him an othefr (ace.) 



KUB 56.31 (Bo 6656) 



Transliteration KUB 56.31 (Bo 6656) 



Obv. 1? 

1' 

2' 

3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

7' 



] X x x[ 
]x x x ma(-)x(-)sa(-)na-an pi-i[h-hi 



A-NA D ]KASKAL.KUR.M[E§] ki-e-da-ni-pdt m\M-nise-ir [ 

] xpi-ihhi 1 A-NA DINGIR Ltj DINGIR MUNUS SA D [ 
] x x GUSKIN GUN.A DXJ-mi ku-e-da-ni me-e-hu-^ni 1 [ 
] x x i-ya-an-ni-ya-u-wa-an da-a-i [ 
] x da-ni-nu-us-kdn-zi nam-ma x [ ] x x [ 



9' 



] x x-e-x [ ] x A-NA NUMUN x [ /kI.MIN 1 [ 
] x x x x [ ]-ta u-x x x x-kdn EGIR-pa 1 x[ 



280 
10' 



Part Two 
]x KU.BABBAR GUS[KIN G]UN.A dC-wi [ 



11' 
12' 



] x[ ] x ki-e-da-ni- pat l\NJM-ni se-ir 
E.ME]S DINGIR.ME& u-e-da-ah-hi [ 



13' 
14' 



] x x[ 



] X X X [ 

] x [ 



Rev. 3 

8' a-x[ 

9' "UTU-^f/ 

10' x- r e ] -[ 

1 1 ' pi-es- ki -[mi 



12' MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fe/w [ 

13' A-NA D [ 



Rev. 4 
1' [ 



]x[ 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 



]-za x x [ 
] x [ 
]x [ 

] x[ 
]x[ 
KI.LA.]BI NfU.GAL DU-mz 



x 1 BI-IB-RU l GUSKm A^NA 



9' 
10' 



[MUNUS.LUGA]L-za-/ca« A-NA D GAZ.BA.A.A [kis]-an hld-RlJ^UB 1 [ma-a-an DINGIR- 

LUMGA]§A\N-Y]A 

A-NA °UTU-5/ pi-an hu-u-i-ya-si nu-za-[kdn ] A-NA DINGIR-L/MA:«-rt 

W-rw-w ma-al-ta-ah-hu-un nu ^INGIR-Z/A/^-za r lNIM-a« 1 [ 



Corpus of Texts 



281 



11' 
12' 



[u]s 1 -ki-nu-un har'-ra- na NAM-MA-AN-TI sa-ra-a-ma-as-sa 725 



si^e^-ya-as 726 §A LU 



13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



MU[NUS.LUGAL]-za-' ten ' INA URV I-al-an-ta A-NA ^i-tar-pu kis-an] 



IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-mu ftDl se- 1 ta?-pu-us 127 A-NA [ 



]x^- r A^DINGIR-i/M ] 



tar-kum-ma-a-si A-NA D UTU 'Si pi-an hu-u-i-y[a-si 

nu-za DINGIR-LC/MALAM KU.BABBAR KI.LA.BI NU.GAL DU-w/ x x x x x 



17' A-NA D H[e-pd]t m ^Ha-la-ap ma-a-an 119 A^NA 1 DINGIR-^/M 1 x-x-an[ ]x 



f„x gj ;g 



18' a- 1 as-su ' is-t[a-m]a-as-mi nu A-NA DINGIR-ZJM EZEN 4 x[ ]' DU -mi 



iWii 



19' A-NA D I$TAR l URU l Ha-la-ap 2 GlS TUKUL.HI. A 730 GUSKIN ha-Iis-si-ya- 1 mi 



l~/i 



20' A-NA D ISTAR URl 'Mu-su-ni-pa 2 GIS TUKUL.HI.A GUSKIN ha-lis-si-ya-m[i 



2 1 ' [kluh-e^-es-sa 13 ' f ku ] -i-e-es rtlSTARm^.A SA KUR lwa3] Hur-ri hu-J ma-a-an'-t\e-es 



22' [nu k]U e-da '-ni-ya 1 GU 4 1 UDU pi-ih-hi 



23' 
24' 
25' 
26' 



[MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fciK ] /1-M4 D 7^Z4i? ^Du-u-pa ^kis-an 1 [IK-RU-UB ] 



[ 



] M ISTAR A-NA ^Tu-ut-hahi-ya" [ ] 

a-as-su ] is-ta-ma-as-mi nu A-N[A 
] x-'ta-a'-xf 



Translation KUB 56.31 (Bo 6656) 

Obv. 
1' [ 



725 This line and line 12' contain many readable signs, but their interrelationship escapes me. 

726 This form is not given in N. Oettinger, Die Stammbildung.... 

727 With S. Kosak, review of KUB 56, ZA 78, 1988, 145-149 (p. 146). 

728 The transliteration and translation of 17'-20' are given in I. Wegner, Gestalt..., AOAT 36, 96. Instead of 
Hepat, she reads IStar. 

729 In Wegner, the text of this line ends here. 

730 Wegner: TUKUL^. 

1 An expected im-ma would require too much space. 



282 
2' [ 



Part Two 



] [I will] give 



3' 




for] the divine KASKAL.KUR because of precisely this matter [ 


4' 




] I will give. For the male and the female divinity of [ 


5' 




] a reduced 732 golden [ ] I will make. At which time [ 


6' 




] he will go and march against [ 


7' 




] one will bring in order further [ 


8' 




] for the descendance [ ] ditto [ 


9' 




] again [ 


10' 




] I will make a reduced silver (and) go[lden 


11' 




] because of precisely thi[s matter 


12' 




] I will build temples [ 


13' 






14' 

Rev 

8' 


.3 




9' 


His 


Majes[ty 


10' 






11' 


[I] 


will give [ 



12' The queen [ 

13' to (the divinity) [ 

Rev. 4 

1 ' -5 ' Translation impossible. 

6' [ ] 1 golden rhyton fo[r 

7' [ of unspecified wei[ght I will make. 



DAR.A = DAR.RA. 



Corpus of Texts 



283 



9' 
10' 
11' 
12' 



[The quee]n made to (the goddess) GAZ.BA.A.A 733 the [following vow: [If you, o 

goddess, my l[ady,] 

show support to His Majesty then what I 

have already promised to the goddess 734 and the goddess the matter of the dream [ 

(translation impossible) 



he has pressed. Of the man 



735 



[ 



13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



Th[e queen] made in Yalanta 736 to (the river) §[itarpu 737 the following] 

vow: If you §itarpu for me for [ ] the divinity 

do approach 738 (and) you show support to His Majesty, 

then, o god, I will make a silver statue of unspecified weight. 



17' To Hepat of Halap. If for the goddess 

18' I learn of good, then for the goddess I will celebrate the [ ] festival. 

19' For Istar of Halap I will mount in gold 2 weapons. 

20' For Istar of Musunipa I will mount in gold 2 weapons. 

2 1 ' And whatever I§tar-s of the land of Hurri there may be altogether 

22' to each I will give 1 ox (and) 1 sheep. 

23 ' [The queen made] to Etar of Dupa the following [vow: 

24' [ ] Ktar for Tuthaliya 

25' [ ] I learn [of good], then t[o .... 

26' [ 



Possibly identical with HuwaSsanna of Hupisha. 

734 No translation can be given of the end of line 10' and all of line 11'. 

735 According to the copy the tablet is not damaged here, but nothing is written. 

736 Curious spelling of Iyalanda located in the lands of Lukka? Cf. Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, The Records. . ., 
64 38 , 65 +48 . 

737 Not in RGTC 6. 

738 This verb which often occurs in prayers and vows (prayers include KUB 30.10+ i 5' and KUB 6.45+ i 35; 
and in the votive text KUB 15.18 iii 9') refers to the practice, also followed elsewhere in the Near East, of 
man asking one god to intermediate with another god and to speak favourably of him. 



284 

KUB 57.109 (Bo 1785) 



Part Two 



Transliteration KUB 57.109 (Bo 1785) 

x+1' [ ]x x x[ 

2' A-NA °U tar-kum! ma-<?-si nu Lt)7 A[GRIG 739 

A-NA GlS GU. Z A A-BI-SU-aS-kdn [ 



LU.ME h ar _p a _ na _ a ]_H_ u g_gj x [ 

nu A-NA °U ^HAT-TI ku- f ii x[ 
tu-uq 140 -qaA-NA °U URV HA[T-T1 
tap-tap-pa-an i- ya \-an-zi 



8' 
9' 
10' 
11' 

12' 



D UTU-,fr-za-/taH Jfcw-/7 ^[-ir 
na-an za-as-hf 42 -ya TUG [ 
«M-/WM ma-a-an °U U [ RV HAT-TI 
an-na-al- li -sa [ 
1 TUG x x [ 



Translation KUB 57.109 (Bo 1 785) 



V 

2' 
3' 
4* 
5' 
6' 
7' 



[ 

you inform the Stormgod and the ru[ler? 

on the throne of his father he[ 

rebelling (ace) against him 743 [ 

and whoever for the Stormgod of Hatti [ 

and also for you, for the Stormgod of Ha[tti 

they shall ma[ke] a cage 744 [ 



As regards the fact that His Majesty through a dream [ 



LU AGRIG is a possible reading, but only just. 

740 Conspicuous old sign UK, without UD. 

741 For a possible join with 367/u, see 367/u. 

742 Although the sign AH is written, only -hi-iS possible here. 

743 For a treatment of harpanalli see F. Starke, Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen 
Nomens, StBoT 31, 1990, 232 f. 

744 For the occurrence of a cage in a vow, see KUB 15.27 ii 11 ' (without GI). 



Corpus of Texts 



285 



9' and him ... in a dream ... a garment [ 

1 ' and if for me the Stormgod [of Hatti 

1 1 ' and... from formerly [ 

12' 1 garment [ 

KUB 60.60 (Bo 1399), KUB 60.86 (Bo 1604), KUB 60.95 (Bo 1701), KUB 60.118 (Bo 1966) 

Texts published by D. Groddek, Hethitische Texte in Transkription KUB 60, Dresdner Beitrage zur 
Hethitologie 20, 2006. 



FHL186 



Transliteration FHL 186 



x+1 

2' 

3' 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



]- l nu-si ElMES x x [ 

A-NAJ^^Md-nu-zi-Wl 
]x U-[U]L tar-na-at-[ti 
] r E ] DINGIR-|X/M] i-ya-mi DINGIR-I/[M 
]x HI.A-^C/ 1 GAD HI.A-&/GUS'KIN[ 
}x-Mnl m ' SA [° 



GlS 



Z]AG.GAR.RA x[ 



Translation FHL 186 

i' r i 

2' | 

3' I 

4' | 

5' I 

6' I 

T I 



[ 



to] the Stormgod of Manuziya [ 
] you shall not deliver [ 
] I will make a temple. For .... the god [ 
] his . . ., his linen clothes, gold [ 

] [ 

an ofjfering-table [ 



286 



Part Two 



HT33 7 



Transliteration HT 33 



1' 
2' 
3' 



] [ ]xx[ 

] kis-an IK-RU-UB 
-\SA mD I$TAR-\LlJ-is 



4' 
5' 
6' 



].HI.A? 746 U-UL x am1-[ 

U]ZU 74 ' ' pa-ra-a ha-a[n- 

]x-ya SA KU.BABBAR GU§K[IN 



7' 



] ^nc?-as l A^-N[A 
] n[a-l 



Translation HT 33 



V 

T 

y 



] made the following v[ow 
] of §au§ga[ziti 



4' 

5' 



] . . . not . . . [ 
me]at ... [ 



6' 

7' 



] .... of silver (and) gol[d 

] and them t[o 

] [ 



The only link with KUB 15.29 is the (extremely likely) occurrence of the same proper name Sausgaziti. 
No distinction is made by column numbers on the copy. The numbers of the lines of the left-hand and the 
right-hand column do not agree. 
7 According to the copy, the trace after HI is not A. Nevertheless A is most plausible. 

The sign UZU at the end of the line is probable. In the right-hand column a form of para handandatar is 
possible. 



Corpus of Texts 



287 



IBoT 3.123 



Transliteration IBoT 3. 123 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fcw A-NA D Ku-n[i-ya-wa-an-m kis-an IK-RU-UB] 
ma-a-an D Ku-ni-ya-wa-an-ni- is [ 
e-ni-es-si GIG DINGIR-L£/MGASAN-K4 [ 
DINGIR-I UM-za GA§AN-K4 ha-an-da-an- 1 W-x 748 [ 



1 SAG.DU NA4 ZA.GIN 1 r ZI ] [ 



ma-a-an-na-as-si ki-e- da \-ni 

1 UD KU.BABBAR KIXA.BI NU.[GAL 



8 ku-u-us-mu ku-i-e-es [ 

9 nu ki-nu-un ku-x[ 

10 nu-kdn ku-i[f! 

11 [ ]x[ 

Translation IBoT 3. 123 

1 The queen [made the following vow] to Kuni[yawanni] 

2 "If Kunniyawanni [ 

3 that illness for him, o goddess, my lady [ 

4 o goddess, my lady, [ 

5 1 head of lapis lazuli (and) 1 soul [ 



6 And if for him for thi[s 

7 1 silver day of unspecified wei[ght 



9 
10 
11 



These .... who for me [ 
and now 749 .... [ 
and beca[use? 



[ 



' A form of handandatar 'divine justice' is to be expected here. 

' This is possibly the beginning of the main clause after the relative clause in 8. 



288 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



289 



Liv. 49-47-42' 



Translation Liv. 49-47-42 



Transliteration Liv. 49-47-42 



V 

T 



[ 



D LU]GAL-ma lR-t[a 



[ r^Gal-la-az-zlu-wa 

:a pi-es-ki-u-wa- a 
[A-N]A DINGIR-LLM-ya-du-za-kdn ALAM UJGAL-as D\J-m[i 

[md\5 a^-an-na DINGIR-ZC/MEN-Z4 rD \jTU-& Tl-an har-ti ha-at-t[ul- 
[h]u-u-ma-an-da- 1 'az 1 SIG 5 -in nu-zaA-NA DENGIR-IC/MSISKUR x x [ 



3 ' \nu-ud\-du-za pi-es-ki-u-wa- an ft- an-zi [ 



4' 

5' 
6' 



7' [MUN]US.LUGAL-za-faj« A-NA fDl LUGAL-wa URU [Ga]/-/a- r az-zw 1 - wa ki[s-an LK-RU-UB 

8' [ ]- [ uk1 ] -kis-kat-ta-ri na-at-mu ^ma-a^-an DINGIR-It/M EN-7[^ 

9' [ ]x D\J -mi har-na-in-na-at-ta$AS AG. [DU 



10' [MUNUS.LUGAL-za-£]a« I-NA mu A-la-al-ha A-NA D lSTAR [ 751 

1 1 ' [ma-a-an 752 ] DINGIR-If/MGA§AN-K4 is-tap-pa-an EGlR-pa he-[e?-es-tf 53 

12' [ TiSStU 1 NINDA is-tap-mi EGIR-pa-ma x [ 



13' [ 

14' [ 

15' [ 

16' [ 



DIN]GIR-I£/MGA§AN-K4 A-NA D UTU-& W [ 
-u]s-sa-at-kdn ku-wa-at-t[a(-) 
]xpi-an ar-ha du-wa-ar-[na- 

DENGIJR-Z/M^^TUKUL.HI.A 1 ^ x [ 



1 



1 



x 

9 



Obv. 754 

1 ' [ §a]rruma requeste[d 
2' [ ] (the city of) Gallazz[uwa 
3' [then] shall give to you [ 
4' and [fo]r you, the god, I will make a statue of the king [ 



5' 
6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 

10' 
11' 
12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



And [i]f you, o god, my lord, keep His Majesty alive [and his] hea[lth 
completely sound, then an offering to the god [ 

The qu]een [made the following vo]w to Sarruma of [Gal]lazzuwa: [ 
] ... and if it for me, o god, my lor[d 

] will I make and harnai 155 for you for the he[ad 



The queen] ... in Alalah to Ktar [ 

If] you, o goddess, my lady, [op]en up again (what is) covered [ 
] I will cover (over) with bread and thereafter [ 



] you, o goddess, my lady, for His Majesty and? [ 
] and it, whithe[r? 
] break away in fro[nt 

] for the [godd]ess weapons of [ 



MERZIFON3' 



750 This text was published previously in J. de Roos, "A Hittite Tablet...", JEOL 25, 67ff. I have made 
alterations to line 4', 9' and 1 1 ' based on the valuable suggestions made by Prof. H.G. Giiterbock, to whom I 
express my warm thanks. 

751 Line 10' could end with kis-an IK-RU-UB. 

752 In view of the available space, ma-a-an-wa could be considered for the beginning of line 11'. 

753 The restoration he-[e-es-ti is extremely tentative, for up till the present no 2nd pr. sing, of hes- has been 
found in extant texts (letter from Prof. Giiterbock of 17-8-1979). 



m 

Hi 



Transliteration MERZIFON 3 



V 



[ 



(-)]*»[(-) 



754 As compared with the aforementioned article in JEOL, certain alterations to the translation had to be 
made, because the original Dutch translation contains ambiguities that have led to an incorrect rendering of 
the text in English. 

755 No translation is given for harnai. According to H.G. Giiterbock: "a (liquid) substance, perhaps some kind 
of ointment?" (see, however, note to KUB 15.1 i 26 ff.). 

756 This text is published with comments in J. de Roos, "A Few Missing Hittite Tablets", AoF 25, 1998, 158- 
162. 



290 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



291 



2 ' [A-NA D UW-S]I ti-it ' hi l -[it 

3 ' [u-e-i]k-ta UM-MA MUNVS He-pa-SVM [ 

4' [pu-nu-u] s-sa-an-zi nu-wa-ra-at x[- 

5' [A-NA DTN]G]R-LIMpi-an-zi [ 



Translation MERZIFON 3 



Translation VBoT 75 



V 

T 

y 

4' 

5' 



[As regards] the fact that [GN to His Majesty] by means of a dream | 

[as]ked, thus Hepapiya [ 

[one shall] set up an investigation an [one shall] it [ 

[to the god]head give [ 



VBoT75 

Transliteration VBoT 75 

1' [ ]x x x te-eh-hi 



V 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



]x an-da-an u-it 
JMUNUS.LUGAL A-NA °U D He-pdt 
]x-ya ne-pi-is 

]x UKU ME^-an-na-za-kdn 
l]GU 4 8UDUfa-V 57 
j^He-pdt 1 GU 4 8 UDU am-sf 5 * 
]x rDl UTU 759 AN-Epi-ih-hi 

] 

]x x x 760 r MUNUS.LUGAL-za 1 -x 



Ki-ya is an abbreviated spelling of keldiy a. 



Am-si is an abbreviated spelling of ambassi 

759 One would expect A-NA before ^TU. The remains of the signs do not, however, indicate this. 

760 Ma-a-an could possible be read before MUNUS.LUGAL. 



:i 



r 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



183/u 



] I will place 



] (he) entered 

] the queen to the Stormgod (and) to Hepat 
] .... heaven 
] by mankind 

1] ox (and) 8 sheep for the health 
] Hepat 1 ox and 8 sheep (for) ambassi 
] I will give (to) the sungod 762 of heaven. 

] 

] the queen. 



Transliteration 183/u 

Obv.? 
1' 

2' 



3' 
4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



9' 



]x[ 
]x GUSKIN 5 GIN [ 



ma-a-d]n-na-wa-as-si UD.KAM-az EGIR-a« [ 
]x ma-a-an-na-as-si GE 6 -az EGIR-[a« 
i-y]a-mi KI.LA.BI NU/gAL 1 [ 



^l^-Sl ku-wa-pi GEStU GIG-at [ 

1 GE]§TU KU.BABBAR 1 GEStU GUSKIN KI.LA.BI [NU.GAL 

ki-je^-da-niA-NA DINGIR-I/M^-A^ rDl [UTU-& 

-TU]Nf! hu-u-ma-an ka-r[u-u 



In view of the remains, a construction composed of a part, ending in -an + tehhi : 
improbable. 

762 For an expected "to" (the Sun-god) see note to transliteration. 

763 JR-TUM possible for example? Human karu is then the result. Cf. 366/v 3'. 



"I am going to ..." is 



292 

10' 
11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 

16' 
17' 
18' 

Rev.? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 



Part Two 



[MUNUS.LUG]AL-za-fain A-NA D x[ 
[ma-a\-an-wa DINGIR-Z,[/M D UTU-£[/ 
[nu A-]NA DINGIR-L/M l-NU-TUMx[ 164 
[i-da-f]u-us-sa-an-kdn x[ 
[ ] LUGAL-ya-as-si AL[AM 

[KI.LA.]BI-za-foin Zl-za [da-ah-hi 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fow ' ' A-NA Dl [ 

ma-a-an-w[a 

x 165 -an [ 



]-W[ 

] ^ITUL-na 
] fort-ta x[ 
]-za-fain 2 x[ 
KI.LA].BINU.GA[L 



U^rt/MMUNUS.LUGAL U-z7 [ 
&4? 1766 SU-SIPA ZIZ 1 DU( W.s[*-(-) 
;-_ya E.ME& se-li-y[a-as 
nu-wa-kdn A-NA 2 ZA 767 .HUM x 768 [ 
pid-da-a-an-du x[ 



°U1V-SI-za-kdn ku-wa-pi SA[G.DU GIG-a? nu MUNUS.LUGAL 

kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-w[a- 

ha-at-tu-lis pa-iz-zi GI[G(-) 

IGI.ffl A GU§KIN 1 MA.NA IG[I.HI A KU.BABBAR 

1 ZI 1 



NA4 ZA.GIN IGlJffl A\ 



16' [MUNUS.LU]GAL-za-foi« A-NA TI [ D UTU-& 



764 IGI.(HLA) would seem to be a possible restoration. 

765 GESTU seems possible. 

766 



In erasure. 



767 The sign ZA also contains an inexplicable "Winkelhaken" 

768 Remnant does not preclude TUR. 



Corpus of Texts 



293 



5 



-1 



-i 



17' 



19' 
20' 
21* 



]x EZEN4 har-pi-y[a-as 
]UDU x pi-[ih-hi 



\ma-a-d\n-mu He-pd[t 
[ ]x LTi KUR.HI.A [ 

t ]-y-t 



Translation 183 '/u 

Obv.? 

1' [ 

2' [ 



] a golden [ 



] (of) 5 sekels [ 



3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 
11' 
12* 
13' 
14' 
15' 



and i]f for him again during the day [ 

] and if for him again during the nightf 
shall ]I make, of unspecified weight [ 



] When His Majesty had an illness of the ear [ 
1 si]lver ear (and) 1 golden ear [of unspecified] weight | 
] to this god on behalf of Hi[s Majesty 



[ 



] Already completely (fulfilled) 7 ' 



[The quejen [made] to (the god)[ 

["I]f you, o god, His Majestfy 

[then] to the god one pair 770 [ 

[and] a bad [ ] him [ 

[ ] and the king for him a st[atue 

[The wei]ght of which [I shall take] to heart 



16' The queen to (the god) [ 



This translation is based on the assumption that this line reproduces a check made on the fulfillment of a 



vow. 

770 



As restoration "of eyes" seems a possibility. 



294 

17' 
18' 

Rev.? 
1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 



Part Two 



"If[ 



] Ari[nna 
] downwards j 
]two [ 
of unspecified weight [ 



Dream of the queen. Through a dream [ 
(and) one pithos of 60 parisu of wheat 771 [ 
you must make [and] storage bar[ns 
and for 2 jugs [ 
they must deliver. [ 



When His Majesty had headfache, the queen] 
made the following vow: "If [ 
he goes in good health 772 , (and) the illn[ess 
golden eyes (of) 1 mina (and) [silver e]yes [ 
1 soul (of) lapis-lazuli, eyes [ 



16' [The qu]een for the life [of His Majesty 
17' [ ] the harv[est] festival 

18' [ ] sheep [shall I give. 



19' [If] to me Hepa[t 
20' [ ] the enemies [ 

21' [ 



In view of the impossibly large amount of 60x50 litres for one pithos, either the first part of this line does 
not belong with 1 D a harsi-[ as I presume or the Hittite measure parisu denotes a different volume than the 
Mesopotamian 50 litres, as suggested as a possibility by Th.P.J. van den Hout (RIA 7, 524). 
772 It is remarkable that this word does not occur in C. Burde, Hethitische medizinische. .., StBoT 19. Adj. 
haddulis inter alia in KUB 48.1 19 Rev? 8. If this 3rd singular as subject refers to the king, then the vow could 
have been made by the queen. 



1 



3 



Corpus of Texts 



295 



543/u+1309/u' 



Transliteration 543/u+1309/u 



V 

T 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 



]xA-NA m Tu- [ ut-tu\™ 
A-NA "\mj\ 115 -SI-as-kdn ' ~ an-da* 16 U-U[L tar-na-at-tf 11 
] M ISTAR ^Sa-mu-ha I-NA x[ 
-y\a-as-za-kan kdn-ga-at-t[a-ri 
A]LAM KU.BABBAR-ya-za PA-NI [DINGIR-I/M 778 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-faw] r §A ] U-TIA-NA d iSTAR mu \a-mu-ha kis-an IK-RU-UB] 
a-w]i-ti-i-in™ $A MUNUS.LUGAL GIM-a«[ 



.ifj 



(-)]' e -da-ni sa-ra-a GUB-rz [ 
f: 1 ku-ru-ta-an-za IK-RU-U[B 
G]A§AN-K4 r DUMu!NITA DINGIR.ME§-/? 780 MU[NUS 
UM-MA (-)LU]GAL-M4 781 am-mu-uk-ma-wa-r[a- 

-r\al-as :ku-ru-ta-u-wa-an-za [ 



MUNUS.UJGAL-za-kan §A t-TIA-NA D ISTA]R vm Sa-mu-ha kis-an [IK-RU-UB] 
ma-a-an-wa ] x x x 782 SIG 5 -/« ar-ha [u-iz-zif m 

] XX X [ 



773 In 6' (iSTAR) 1309/u links up with 543/u. H. Otten wrote very kindly in a personal letter that 1506/u could 
also belong to this tablet. A direct join with these two fragments seems to me however impossible. 

774 This is one of the very rare vows with A-NA + personal name in the first line. Cf. KUB 15.1 iii 48' and 
15.18 ii 7'. 

775 
776 



In erasure the signs §I+A§. 
An-da in erasure. 



'" Construction as in KUB 48.123 iv 16-18? The verb KAR (KUB 15.28 iii 1 1) goes without -kan. 

778 -za makes a restoration DXJ-mi or iyami impossible, tehhi is possible. 

779 The only subst. ending with -witi in J. Jie, A Complete Retrograde Glossary of the Hittite Language, 
PIHANS 71, 1994, is awiti. According to HW 2 , however, never with this plene ; writing. 

780 Though problematic, the complement -it is easily legible. 

781 -MA implies a preceding UMMA. But -ma can also be part of a personal name such as Ari-LUGAL-ma. 

782 KASKAL-az is impossible. 

783 Remnants make a join with KBo 41.60 impossible. Moreover the tablets are from different find spots. For 
the reverse sequence arha SIG 5 -/« see inter alia KUB 48.1 19 Rev. 12 and KBo 41.59 ii 8'. 



296 

Translation 543/u+1309/u 

Obv. 



Part Two 



1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 

6' 

7' 
8' 
9' 

10' 
11' 

12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 



1506/u 



] on behalf of Tuttu[ 
you to His Majesty shall not ad[mit] them [ 
] Ktar of Samuha in [ 
] hangs (from it)[ 
] and a silver statue [shall I . . .] before the god[dess 



The queen made] in a dream to IStar of [Samuha the following vow:] 
] just as . . . the [a]witi (ace) 784 of the queen [ 
] on it stands [ 
] she made kurutanza 185 a vo[w 

], my mistress, the son by means of the gods . . . [ 
] ... for me however [ 
] kumtauwanza [ 



In a dream the queen made to Kta]r of Samuha the following [vow:] 
If ] in good condition re[turns? 



Transliteration 1506/u 



Left Col. 

i' r 



D I$TAR "^-jW-AaGASAN-^xt 



784 For awiti as "winged lion monster" see a.o. RIA 8, 237 and 244. It seems strange that the queen would 
"have" one. 

785 According to Th.P.J. van den Hout, "Tuthalija IV. und die Ikonographie hethitischen Grosskonige des 13 
Jhs", BiOr 52, 1995, 545-573 (p. 565 ff.), kumtauwanza (in 12') could mean "wearing a pointed crown" 
kurutanza was not yet attested at that time. In this instance it would have been worn by the queen I have 
assumed that both words although with a different suffix (-uwant- and -nt-\ have the same meaning. An 
argument against the idea that kurutanza would belong to a promised article as object accompanying IKRUB 
is the fact that the following lines (10'-12') seem to be the content of the promise in 9' with the direct speech 
particle -wa in 11'. For IKRUB with an object see e.g. KUB 15.11:114. 



2' 
3' 



Corpus of Texts 



297 



>L 



[ 



pi-]ih-hi nu PA-NI DINGIR-I/M 1 ALAM KU.BABBAR ' x 786 [ ] 
]x 787 -Z£/ 788 KU.BABBAR i-ya-mi 



4' [MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fain A-NA D I$TAR f^Sa-mu-ha kis-an IK-RU-UB 1 * 9 

5' [ma-a-an-za LUGAL 790 M]UNUS.LUGAL->>a Tl-an-te-es nu-wa A-NA PA-NI 

6' [DINGIR-ZJM AL]AM.ffl.A KU.BABBAR SA LUGAL MUNUS.LUGAL DTS-u-e-ni 

T [ ]x-nIGI.HI.A-^C/ 791 §U.ME§-5C/GU§KIN 



[ 



]x LU A.ZU/-ZV 



Translation 1506/u 



Left Col. 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 



Istar of Sajmuha, my mistress, [ 
shall] I give and for the goddess a silver statue [ 
] its . . . (of) silver shall I make. 



4' [The queen made to I§tar] of Samuha the following vow: 

5' ["If the king] and the queen (remain) alive, then shall we make for 

6' [the goddess ] silver statues of the king and the queen. 

7' [ ] his eyes (and) his hands (of) gold 

8 ' [ ] the doctor knew (of this) 792 



' Remnants do not resemble DU 



7H7 t 

In erasure. 

788 Or, less probable before KU.BABBAR, 10 GIN. 

789 Lines 4' to 8' are almost literally identical to KUB 15.28+ ii 6'-10'. Although here in line 6' there is a 
verbal form in the first personal plural as compared with first singular in KUB 15.28+ ii 9' I have let the 
queen alone make the vow, because there are no texts in which the king and the queen make a vow together. 

7 ° At the beginning of the line is a bit more space than is needed for the proposed restoration, if the 
restoration in line 4' is correct. Restoration -za here, because king and queen are supposedly subject of Tl-an- 
te-es. 

791 Expected: SUNU as in KUB 15.28+ ii 9'. 

792 The surprising last sentence of the text could be related to KUB 15.28 ii 10' which lacks a verb. Assuming 
the statues have not yet been delivered, the priest could know more about this. This is the only vow that 
concludes like this. See also note to KBo 53.112. 



298 



Part Two 



793 



367/u 



Transliteration 367/u 



Right part 



[ 



ion 367/u 



V 

V 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 

Transla, 
V 

2' 

y 

4' 
5' 
6' 

410/u 
Transliteration 410/u 



IjK-RU-^UB 1 



kis-a]n IK-RU-^UB 1 

LU.MES t - 794 . , 7 r ^795 

a]r-sa-na -tal-lu-[us] 
ki- is-s] a-ri- is -si 

]x LlJGAL-iz-na-an-ni-ya 
] an- 1 da 1 



] he/she made a vow. 



] made the [following vow: 
] the jealous peop[le 

] 

] and for the kingship 

] inwards 



1' [ 



Jx^-yV^^fNAMtM 71 



As regards the use of words, 367/u fits perfectly with KUB 57.109. It is about people who begrudge 
Hattusili the kingship. It is not inconceivable that 367/u: 1' is the ending of KUB 57.109:7', in which case an 
inf. of iya- would have to be restored. 

794 The last parts of the lines 3 '-5' have been written over the edge of this right hand side. A MI written 
upside down above the end of line 5' does not seem to belong to 3'. Besides MI there are 3 other remains 
visible. 

795 The same form as in Hart, i 59 and iv 44, where IStar delivers them to Hattusili. 



Corpus of Texts 



299 



2' 
3' 



IK-R]U-UB ma-a-na-as [ 
/kuIbABBAR KI.LA.B[I NU.GAL 



4' 

5' 



ki]- e -da-ni-pdt INIM-m [se-ir 
KI.LA.BI NU.GAJL A-NA DINGIR-£/MSUM-/h [ 



6' 

7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 

15' 



I-N\A ^U-us-sa A-NA D x 797 [ 
m]a-a-an ka-a-as ku-is [ 

k]u-e-da-ni ITU.KAM-w/ s[a- 
]-an u-uh-hi D SIN-as-ma ku-x[ 
]-na-an-za ma-a-na-as ku-e-d[a- 
]-ma SA D UTU-&&4 IGI ZAG [ 
ma]- a -an me-mi-as ku-is-ki GAM pi-[ 
]x ma-a- an -ma-at-mu-kdn us- [ 
]- ya -zi nu-za u-nu-wa-mi [ 
fl 1 GU 4 f 2 ] UDU am-ba-as-si 1 x[ 



16' 

17' 



]x A-NA D SIN x[ 
]xx [ 



Translation 410/u 



V 

2' 
3' 



[ 



] to the (goddess) Ni[n. . . 
made] a vow: and if he [ 
] (of) silver of [unspecified] weig[ht 



4' [ ] precisely [because of] this matter [ 

5' [ of unspecified weig]ht shall I give to the god. [ 



6' 



i]nU§sato(thegod)[ 



796 Since LUM is grammatically undesirable, I have opted for the name of a goddess comprising NTN or 
DAM, for example NTN.GAL, or Damkina, Damnassara etc. 



798 



Remnant does not resemble SIN. 
Or i[s-. 



300 



Part Two 



7' 

8' 

9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 

13' 

14' 

15' 

16' 

17' 



[ I]f (this)... who [ 


[ ] for which month [ 


[ ] I shall see and SIN 199 [ 


[ ] and if he . . . which [ 


[ ] and of His Majesty the . . . of the right eye [ 


[ ] if one or another word down? [ 


[ ] but if for me it [ 


[ ] then I shall ornament (it) myself [ 


[ ] 1 ox, 2 sheep (for) ambassi (and) 1 [ 


[ ]to,S7iV[ 



1333/u' 



800 



Transliteration 1333/u 



V 



[ 



1 G]U 4 2 U[DU am-ba-as-sil 



y 

4' 

5' 

6' 

7' 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fciK I-NA URU A-NA] fDl NIN.GAL ^ Kum-ma-a[n-ni kis-an IK-RU-UB] 
]x ki-e-el MU.KAM-os GIG-za an-[ 
]x nuA-NA VJJTU-Sll MU 801 !.KAM KU.BABBAR 3 ALAM KU.BABBAR [ 
]x I-NA E.DTNGIR-LIM-SU-NU u-da-ah-hi ka-r[u-it 



MUNUS.LUGAL-za-fcw I-NA v f v U-us-sa A-NA D Ha-su-la-at-hi [ 
ma-ja-an ] DINGlR-LUMGA§AN-YA IGI.HI.A 802 [ 
A]- l NA DINGIR-Z/M 1 [ 



799 The text fragments of lines 9' to 13' are too short to provide a good translation. 

800 This text could link up with 410/u. Common features: king's eye disease, city U§§a, 1 ox and 2 sheep, 
same find spot. 

801 The scribe mistakenly wrote §E here instead MU. 

802 The last three groups of words in erasure. 



Translation 1333/u 



V 



Corpus of Texts 



1 o]x (and) 2 s[heep (for) ambassi? 



301 



2' 
3' 
4' 
5' 



[The queen made in 



to] Ningal of Kumman[ni the following vow:] 



[ 



[ 



] the illness 803 of this year [ 

] then for the sake of His Majesty 2 silver years (and) 3 silver statues [ 

] shall I bring to their 804 temple. Alrefady] (done). 



6' [The queen made in] Ussa to Hasulathi [ 

7' [ ] "If you, o goddess, mymistress, the eyes [ 

8' [ ] to the goddess [ 



366/v 



Transliteration 366/v 



Right Col. 



1 ' ^UTU-Sl-za-kdn A-NA °U vmj Zi-i\p-pa-la-an-da 

T 2 MA.NA 1 GU 4 8 UDU.HI.A IK-RU-U[B 



3 ' IR-TZ/M^UGAL 1 m Hi-es-mi-ya-as I-DI nu-^za 1 [ 

4' A-NA °U ^Zi-ip-pa-la-an-da x[ 



5' 
6' 

7' 



U-rt/M D UTU-& I-MUR INIM r E ] x[ 



INIM UGULA LUMES MU§EN.DUA INIM ar-ku-wa-a[r*' 
nu-za-kdn ^TU-^/SA U-77 1 ki-is-s[a-an? m 
[uKV \j-as pi-e-da-za [ ' a?-ha [ ]x[ 



803 GIG-za can be both nom. and abl. "Due to the illness" is therefore also possible. 

804 If SUNU is correct, the vow could have been made to two gods. 

805 Sign remnant definitely points to AR. See, too, note to translation. 

806 If this restoration is correct, then this is one of the rare instances where not kis-an is written in the votive 
texts. 



302 Part Two 

9' nu-wa A-NA ^U lJKV Zi-ip-pa-l[a-an-da 



Translation 366/v 
Right Col. 



1' 

2' 

3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 



His Majesty promised to the Stormgod of Zi[ppalanda 
(of) 2 minas (and) 1 ox (and) 8 sheep [ 



A request of the king. Hesmiya knew (of it) and 
to the Stormgod of Zippalanda [ 



A dream. His Majesty saw (a dream) 807 . The matter (of) the house/temple[ 

the matter (of) the supervisor (of) the augurs (and) the matter of pray[ing 808 

and His Majesty... in the dream as [follows? 

away from the place of Utima 809 [ 

then [.. .] to the Stormgod of Zippalfanda 



941/v 
Transliteration 941/v 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' r 



]x 

]-li?-es-zi* m 



4' 

5' 



SA] r U-r/ kis-an IK-RU-UB 

]x-ut nu-wa za-as-hi-ya 



807 For the translation of this line, see note to the translation of KUB 48.124 Rev. 13'. 

808 Since arkuwar must be ace, a form such as tiyauwas must have followed in the gen. on INTM. 



URUt 



810 



In RGTC 6, 470 Utima is mentioned as city with the writing UKU U 
If LI is correct, then a restoration hat-tu]~li-es-zi seems possible. 



Corpus of Texts 



303 



6' 

7' 



[ 



]x 811 -wa DINGIR-.Lt/MEN-K4 a«-W 
an-d]a tar-na-an SIGs-ah-ti 



Translation 941/v 

l'-3' no translation possible. 



4' 
5' 
6' 

T 



{ 



] made [in] the dream the following vow: 

] and in the dream 

] you, o god, my Lord, therein 

] you shall cure 812 what is left in[side] 



1111/v 



Transliteration 1111/v 



1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 

5' 
6' 
T 
8' 
9' 
10' 



]xx[ 
]x-/z r KU.BABBAR 1 x[ 
Jx INIM-an INA ^TUL 1 -^ 
I-NA KUR ^fHAT-TIpi-e-da-aih-hi™ 



fHe^-pdt^HTlJ-Slxi 
]x ar-ha li-pa-a-a[n-zi 
]DTNGYR-LUMG\JB-la-ah-ti x[ 
JA^-NA D He-pdt GASAN-K4 2 G[U 4 
if^ZAG^-za \ EN -ma GUB-za x[ 
JA^-NA UDU.KUR.RA §A GlS BAN[§UR 



11' 



] r MUNUS 1 .LUGAL-za-Aan^-A^ D He-pdt [ 



811 Sign remnant renders AN in \ma-a-d\n impossible. 

812 Or: "make sweet", "perfume". 

813 Sign remnant after DA is very unclear. This same writing occurs sometimes in later texts according to 
CHD P, 345. 



304 
12' 

13' 
14' 
15' 



Part Two 



r 7T i 



I\K-RU-UB VZV KU.BABBAR 2 MA.[NA 



ma-a-d\n-na- mu D He-pdt [ 

nu-waA-NA ] r DINGIR-I/MGA§AN-Z4 1 ar-[ku-wa-ar 
]x x x-wa-z[a 



Translation 1111/v 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 

4' r 



5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 



13' [ 
14' [ 
15' [ 



] a silver . . . [ 

]the matter (ace.) in Arin[na 
shall I] bring [to the land of Hatti 



] Hepat His Majesty [ 
] shall they lick off 814 [ 
] you, o goddess, shall weaken [ 

] to Hepat, my mistress, 2 o[xen 
]1 to the right and 1 to the left [ 
] for the mountain sheep of the (offering) tab[le 



] the queen to Hepat [ 

] made a vow: 1 silver soul (of) 2 mifnas 



] and if Hepat for me [ 
then I to] the goddess, my mistress, a pra[yer 



814 CHD L-N, 7 1 contains no examples of lipai- with arha. N. Oettinger, Die militdrischen Eide. . . , StBoT 
22, 3 1 mentions 1111/v 6' (unv.) but does not mention arha along with it. 



Corpus of Texts 



305 



1147/z 



Transliteration 1147/z 

1' [ 

2' [ 

3' [ 

4' [ 

5' [ 

6' r 



]x-ta-[ 
hal-z]i-ih-hi 
a-]wa-an ar-ha 
]-us-mi 
n]a-a- wi a-wa-an ar-ha 

]EG\R-an-da-ma GUB-za 



T 



GUS]KIN tAM-MA-LU-U 

]x is-ga-ra-a- mi xx x 815 



9' 
10' 



A-NA ] rD \jTU-5/IGI.HI.A S[lG s .ah-ti 
]-mi 



11' 
12' 



I\K-RU-UB[ 
] x [ 



Translation 1147/z 



V 

T 
3' 
4' 
5' 
6' 



] shall I [injvoke [ 
completely 
] shall I [... 
n]ot yet completely 
] and later . . . 



7' 
8' 



go]lden inlay 
] shall I mount 



1 In any case, neither na-a-wi nor ka-ru-u is possible. 



306 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



307 



9' 
10' 

11' 

12' 



1159/z 
Transliteration 1159/z 

V 

T 

y 

4' 



for] His Majesty the eyes bet[ter you shall make 
] shall I [ ] 



] made a vow [ 



5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



]x x-as- sa 



]x m -ki pi-ra-an 



E]N-Z4 Z\-as DU-& 
is-ta]-ma-as-ki-si 
k]a-ru-u 



I)K-RU-UB 
\-pi-in 



]x MUNUS.LUGAL-W 

]x \jhuM 1 1-MUR 
MUNUS.LJUGAL pa-ra-a 
-s\el-ni 
] xxx [ 



< 



I 



i I 



Translation 1159/z 

1' 

2' 
3' 
4' 



5' 
6' 

7' 



9' 

10' 

11' 

12' 
13' 
14' 
15' 
16' 



Bo 69/522 



Transliteration Bo 69/522 



Right Col. 



1' 

2' 
3' 



] before [ 



] you, my lord, shall fulfill (my) wish 
] you shall [lis]ten 
] Already (done). 



m]ade a vow 



] and the queen 
] saw a dream 
the qu]een further 



-a]h-nu-zi 
]x-atA-NA KUR Pdr-ra-as-sa-na % 



' Sign remnant indicates TAR or NU. Certainly not IK. 



This is the first occurrence of this country in a text. KUR without URU as in KUR Mukis, KUR Mizri, etc. 



308 



Part Two 



Corpus of Texts 



309 



4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 

11' 
12' 
13' 



Translation Bo 69/522 



Right Col. 



1' 

2' 
3' 

4' 
5' 
6' 
7' 
8' 
9' 
10' 



11' [ 



E]ME-NI se-ir sls IK-RU-U[B 

^JnuA-NA^TAR 

]x-tar-ma-kdn 

I-N]A ^Al-hu-it-tla™ 

im.A\ EN SA[ 

^Al-hty-it-ta 



]x S20 -ah-ti nu-kdn D U[TU-& 

]x I$-TUGU§Km ha-lis-s[i-ya-mi 

]x KU.BABBAR a-ra-an-ta[(-) 



] he shall... 

] it to the land of Parra§§ana 



i 

m 
-1 
If 



] because of the tongue made a vo[w: 
] you . . . then for I§[tar 

]in Alhuitt[a 

]lof[ 

Alh]uitta 



] you shall . . .and His M[ajesty 



818 Although IR has only one vertical stroke, no other reading is possible. 

819 Although a city occurs in KUB 60.126:8' which begins with Alhu, the reading Alhuttiya proposed by 
H. Klengel is too divergent to say the two cities are identical. See also line 9'. 

820 SIG 5 is possible. 



12' 
13' 



] shall [I] moufnt] with gold [ 
] (of) silver, sta[nd (there). 



"Touristik" 8 



Transliteration "Touristik' 



Obv. 



1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 

7 



9 
10 
11 
12 



] ma-a-an-na DINGIR-Z,L/[M 



822 



]-ta-an-na-as UD-x[ 

] a -pi-e-m-es-s[u-u-wa-an 



]-mu ku-is-ki me-m[i-is-ta 
]x-ya-wa-za-kdn kis-a[n 

]x GEME 823 .ME§-££/«l» 824 nu-un-tar-r[i-ya-an-zf 25 
nuA-NA B I$TAR ml ] La-wa]-za-an-ti-ya 1 tal-la-[an GUSKIN 826 

]KUR Mi-iz-ri GJM-an a-x[- 



]x-kdn sa-as-ti a-se-su-u-wa-as-s[a(-) 
nu-za-kdn MUNUS.LUGAL §A \J]-TI kis-an IK-RU-UB ma-a-an-w[a 
^iSyTAR ^La-wa-za-an-ti-ya ^ku-e 1 [ 
] 828 nu-wa-ra-at I$-TU' tiM mu-u[s-nu-wa-an-ti-it7 i29 



821 The tablet was shown to Prof. Otten by the private owner many years ago. The Rev. has no writing. 

822 Although many readings are possible (including ZABAR), I prefer a form of UD with the preceding genit. 
dependent on a subst. of it. UD could be preceded by maltannas (= of the promised), but then one would be 
inclined to expect malteSnas (= of the vow). 

823 Written, admittedly, as GU. 

824 In erasure. 

825 Most probable restoration: 3rd pres. pi. dependent on a possible man earlier in the line. I have restored the 
form nu-un-tar-r[i-ya-an-zi, although according to CHD L-N, 473 this has so far not occurred in any text. 

826 GUSKIN is the most likely restoration. 

827 1 cannot explain this form of the verbal noun aSeSuwar. In stead of s[a a reading SISKUR is impossible. 
828 From line 12 the text runs remarkably parallel with KUB 48.126:7'-9'. Because of the same matter of an 
eagle, an identical vow is evidently made and the same gift is promised to another goddess. For another eagle 
in a vow see KUB 15.10 i? 6'. 



310 

13 [ 

14 [ 



Part Two 



i\e-eh-hi Th mj&m .m.A-ya-wa ku- [ i\-e-es 



SA-PAL KA]P-Plm.A Tlg^ 5 ^ ALAM L[UGAL-^a DV-mi] 



15 [ -m]u D I$TARIQ-BI [uRV \ 

16 [ URV La-wa-z]a-an-ti-ya e-es-n[a1- 

17 [ ] x x x x [ 



I 



% 



Translation "Touristik" 
Obv. 



1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 

7 



9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 



] and if you, o god [ 
] the day of the ... [ 
] thus mu[ch 



: l 



] someone to[ld] me [ 
] ... as follows: [ 

] his/her maid servants [shall] has[ten? 
then to Ktar of Lawajzantiya 1 talla [(of) gold 

] just as the land of Egypt . . . [ 



] in bed ... of sitting [ 
then the queen] made in the [drea]m the following vow: "If [ 
K]tar of Lawazantiya which [ 
] then with the mu[snuwan stone] it 
] I shall put and whifch] eagles [ 

under the wi]ngs (of) an eagle [and] a statue of the ki[ng I shall make.] 



16 

17 



Bo 6102 



Corpus of Texts 
Lawaz]antiya [ 



311 



Transliteration Bo 6102 



Rev. 4 

19' 

20' 

21' 
22' 
23' 



[A-NA °U mv Zi-ip-pa-la-an-da kis-an IK\-RU-UB ma-a-an m 
[DINGIR-It/MEN-K4 °UTU-5]/ Jl-nu-si 



[nu-za 

[ 



] ha-le-en-du-wa 
A-NA °U ^fZi-ip-pa-la-an-da 
]x i-ya-mi 



Translation Bo 6102 



19' [made to the Stormgod of Zippalanda the following] vow: "If 

20' you, [o god, my lord, His Majesty]... shall keep alive 

2 1 ' [then ] the halentuwa. . . 

22' [ for the Stormgod of] Zippalanda 

23' [ ] shall I make. 



[ 



] Ktar spoke to me : (the city) [ 



This is the third passage in texts where this stone has not been completely preserved and where the 
reading is uncertain. Cf. CHD L-N, 334 and H. Otten, "Tiergefasse im Kult der spaten hethitischen 
Grossreichszeit", in: K. Emre et al. (ed.), Anatolia and the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honor ofTahsin 
Ozgtic, 1989, 365-368 (p. 366 ff.). 

The translation is based on a presumed preceding: "When in a dream". 



831 Transliteration in S. Alp, Beitrage zur Erforschung des hethitischen Tempels..., 15. In the review of this 
book by H. Freydank, OLZ 80, 1985, 249-252 (p. 251), alterations are suggested. Dr. C. Karasu (Ankara 
University) has very kindly collated the original tablet for me and has written in a personal letter that here is a 
i§7 readable. So I did not follow H. Freydank. The other lines of the tablet are of no interest for a better 
understanding of the text. 



INDEX 

of text transliterations and translations 



FHL 186 285, 285 

HT33 286,286 

IBoT 3.123 287, 287 

KBo 3.51 129,130 

KB08.6I 130,131 

KBo 8.62 131, 132 

KBo 8.63 133, 134 

KBo 9.96 136, 138 

KBo 13.72 140, 141 

KBo 13.80 142, 143 

KBo 27.25 144, 145 

KBo 27.60 146, 147 

KBo 34.143 148, 148 

KBo 34.145 149, 150 

KBo 41.59 150, 152 

KBo 41.60 153, 153 

KBo 53. 112 154, 154 

KUB15.1 88,97 

KUB 15.3 106, 107 

KUB 15.4 155, 156 

KUB 15.5 + KUB 48.122 71,80 

KUB 15.6 156, 158 

KUB 15.7 160, 161 

KUB 15.8 161, 162 

KUB 15.9 163, 164 

KUB 15.10 165, 166 

KUB 15.11 109, 112 

KUB 15.12 166, 168 

KUB 15.13 169, 169 



KUB 15.14 170 

KUB 15.15 171 

KUB 15.18 173 

KUB 15.19 176 

KUB 15.20 179 

KUB 15.21 181 

KUB 15.22 183 

KUB 15.23 115 

KUB 15.24 185 

KUB 15.25 187 

KUB 15.26 188 

KUB 15.27 189 

KUB 15.28 + IBoT 3.125 192 

KUB 15.29 196 

KUB 15.30 198 

KUB 31.67 200 

KUB 31.69 202 

KUB 31.77 117 

KUB 44.27 205 

KUB 48.117 207 

KUB 48.118 123 

KUB 48.119 208 

KUB 48.120 213 

KUB 48.121 214 

KUB 48.123 215 

KUB 48.124 225 

KUB 48.125 229 

KUB 48.126 125 

KUB 56.12 231 



170 
172 
174 
177 
180 
182 
184 
116 
186 
188 
189 
191 
194 
197 
199 
201 
204 
120 
206 
207 
124 
211 
214 
215 
220 
227 
230 
127 
232 



314 

KUB 56.13 232, 235 

KUB 56.14 237, 239 

KUB 56.15 240, 242 

KUB 56.16 243, 244 

KUB 56.18 245, 246 

KUB 56.19 247, 251 

KUB 56.20 255, 256 

KUB 56.21 257, 257 

KUB 56.22 258, 259 

KUB 56.23 259, 260 

KUB 56.24 261, 263 

KUB 56.25 265, 266 

KUB 56.26 267, 268 

KUB 56.27 268, 269 

KUB 56.28 269, 271 

KUB 56.29 273, 274 

KUB 56.30 274, 277 

KUB 56.31 279, 281 

KUB 57.109 284, 284 



Index 



Liv. 49-47-42 288, 289, cover 

MERZEFON 3 289, 290 

VBoT 75 290, 291 

181/u 128,129 

183/u 291, 293 

367/u 298, 298 

410/u 298, 299 

543/u+1309/u 295, 296 

1333/u 300, 301 

1506/u 296, 297 

366/v 301, 302 

941/v 302, 303 

1111/v 303, 304 

1147/z 305, 305 

1 159/z 306, 307 

Bo 69/522 307, 308 

Bo 6102 311,311 

"Touristik" 309, 310